Old European - User contributions [en]

Schleicher's Fable

2017-10-31T19:18:17Z

Admin:

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'''North-West Indo-European'''

1 ó'''u̯is''' é'''ku̯ōs'''-kʷe,

2 ó'''u̯is''' '''i̯ós'''mi u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''est''';

3 é'''ku̯ons''' de'''dór'''ke,

4 tom gʷr̥h'''u̯úm''' u̯ó'''gʰom''' u̯é'''gʰon'''tm̥,

5 tom mé'''gām''' bʰó'''rom''',

6 tom '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ '''ō'''kú bʰé'''ron'''tm̥.,

7 ó'''u̯is''' éku̯o'''bʰos''' u̯eu'''kʷét''':

8 “kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' moi,

9 '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ é'''ku̯ons''' á'''gon'''tm̥ u̯idn̥'''téi'''”

10 é'''ku̯ōs''' u̯eu'''kʷónt''': “kl̥'''néu''', ó'''u̯i'''!

11 kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' nos u̯idn̥t'''bʰós''':

12 ''dʰ''gʰmōn, pó'''tis''', ó'''u̯i̯os''' u̯ĺ̥'''nām'''

13 sé'''bʰei''' '''gʷʰór'''mom '''u̯és'''trom kʷr̥'''néu'''ti.

14 ó'''u̯i̯om'''-kʷe u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''es'''ti”.

15 Tod keklu'''u̯ṓs''' ó'''u̯is''' á'''grom''' bʰu'''gét'''.

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<div class="small-6 column">

'''English'''

1 The sheep and the horses.

2 A sheep that had no wool

3 saw horses;

4 one pulling a heavy wagon,

5 one carrying a big load,

6 one carrying a man quickly.

7 The sheep said to the horses:

8 “My heart pains me,

9 seeing a man driving horses.”

10 The horses said: “Listen, sheep!

11 Our hearts pain us when we see this:

12 A man, the master, makes the wool of the sheep

13 into a warm garment for himself.

14 And the sheep has no wool.”

15 Having heard this, the sheep fled into the plain
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</div>

A recitation of the text is available on [https://youtu.be/_6ne-xvC0TU Youtube] and [https://www.facebook.com/indoeuropean/videos/10155099599571313/ Facebook].

{{#evt:
service=youtube
|id=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_6ne-xvC0TU
|alignment=center
}}

An audio is available at SoundCloud:

{{#evt:
service=soundcloud
|id=https://soundcloud.com/indoeuropean/schleichers-fable-in-north-west-indo-european
|alignment=center
}}

Certain potentially controversial selections have been made:

* As in other tonal languages<ref>Just like Mandarin Chinese, PIE must have had both stress and pitch accent. Both were important, since some syllables must have had more prominence than others, and high pitch seems to have been more prominent – vowel length appears in most Anatolian words on PIE stressed syllable[DeLisi 2013]. As a rule of thumb – as e.g. in the reconstructed Ancient Greek pronunciation, in Arabic, or in the Sezer stress pattern in Turkish –, syllable weight (the length of the syllable) marks the stress of words in this rendition of the fable. Whenever possible, then, syllables that include a long vowel or a diphthong (CVV) and those with more than one consonant (CVCC) are stressed. If in conflict, those with a combination of both (CVVCC) are probably the stressed ones.</ref>, stress accent has been placed on heavy syllables during recitation, and these are marked in bold.

*For laryngeals and vocalism, see below. For *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' < **''h₂/₃u̯ĺ̥h₁-neh₂'', two possible results in NWIE were *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' / *''uhlā́nā''. Because of O.Ind. ''ū́rṇā''-, a pronunciation *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' is selected.

*For *''eku̯ons'', probably from an older **''eku̯o-m-s'' formed by the accusative singular ending *-''m'' and plural ending *-''s'', cf. *-''ms'' in Anatolian[Kloekhorst 2008]. An older form for ‘horse’ is found in Anatolian **''eku-m-s'', cf. Hitt. ekku-[Kortlandt 2013] – the likely general development in LIE (and certainly in NWIE) has been selected, though.

* *''dedórke'' carries the accent on the root, as usually reconstructed following Indo-Iranian examples[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The alternative *''dédorke'' is also possible. The more commonly reconstructed term for the fable, *''woide'', originally a perfect of *''weid''-, ‘see’, had already by LIE adopted a slightly different meaning, ‘know’, potentially from a previous ‘state derived of having seen’ (?).

*The accusative *''tom'' has been used, instead of the nominative *''so'', because they are the objects (acc. *''éku̯ons'') seen. However, the use of nominative *''so'' would also be right, especially from a historical point of view, when it was not yet inflected – like uninflected *''i'' instead of *''i̯ós''-[Kortlandt 2010].

* *''mégā'' has been declined following LIE and NWIE examples, although it has been proposed that it was indeclinable in earlier times[Pooth 2017].

*For *''dʰgʰmon''-: There seems to be a trend toward simplification of the initial phoneme in this cluster in NWIE, hence the pronunciation *''gʰmon''-; cf. O.Lat. ''hemō'' (Osc. ''humuns'', Umbr. ''homonus''), Gmc. *''gum-an-'', Bal. *''ǯmō̃'' (O. Lith. ''žmuõ'', O. Pruss. ''smoy''). A different reduction is found in O.Ir. duine < *''don-i̯os'', probably from metathesised form *''gdon-i̯os'' < **''gʰdʰmon-i̯os''.
** The other common LIE word used to translate ‘man’ in the fable, *''ner''-, is not used here because of its more specialised use in NWIE as ‘manly, strong’ mainly in archaisms, cf. Italo-Celtic *''ner''- (as Lat. ''neriōsus'', O.Ir. ''nert''), Gmc. *''ner''- (OHG ''Nerthus''), Bal. *''ner-/nor-'' (Lith. ''Nertėti'', O.Pruss. ''nertien'').

*Obliques in *-''bʰ''- have been used, following the Italo-Celtic and Graeco-Aryan examples, against *-''m''- found in Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which is potentially influenced by a common substrate to both languages (see [[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]). The pronunciation of *-''bʰ''- in *''u̯idn̥tbʰós'' seems to be compelled by the preceding *-''t''- to be in *-''pʰos'' or *-''ɸos'', although an effort is made to pronounce it in a phonemically correct way.

*Aorists are reconstructed without augment in *''é-'', proper of Graeco-Aryan[Meier-Brügger 2003].

*Nominative *''kērd'' is reconstructed with a *-''d'' at the end, although it was possibly mute[Ringe 2006].

*Middle-passives are reconstructed in *-''r'', following the generalised belief of its older nature – as a primary ending in Anatolian and Tocharian –, and its reconstruction for Italo-Celtic, as well as remains with impersonal value in Germanic.

*For present stem *''kl̥néu''-/''kl̥nu''-, ‘hear’, cf. O.Ir. ''ro-cluinethar'', Toch. B ''kalneṃ'', A ''kälniñc'', and also Skt. ''śr̥ṇóti'', Av. ''surunaoiti''. For verbal stem *''klu''-, frequently used when reconstructing the fable, the original meaning appears to be ‘be named, be renown’, cf. Av. ''sruiiē'', ‘be famous’, Lat. ''clueō'', ‘be named, be famous’, S.Picene ''kduíú'', ‘be named’[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The optional imperative suffix *-''dʰí'' is not used.

*Voiced consonants at the end of syllable (such as *-''d'', *-''gʰ''-, etc.) are pronounced voiced, because LIE or NWIE did not have final obstruent devoicing as a rule[Byrd 2010]. However, there are certain known cases of regressive assimilation, such as *DT→*TT, hence *''tod'' in the last sentence may be more exactly pronounced as *''tot-kekluu̯ṓs''.

*We have selected the form *''ágros''[Ringe 2006][Nikolaev 2009] over the more ‘traditional’ *''agrós''.

== References ==

* [*Byrd 2010] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2010. Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification, Linguistics Faculty, University of California, Los Angeles.

* [*DeLisi 2013] DeLisi, Jessica. 2013. Notes on Indo-European Linguistics. In Derived primarily from lecture notes from Indo-European Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax classes taught at UCLA by H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine from 2008-2009.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Edited by A. Lubotsky, Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

* [*Kortlandt 2010] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2010. Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi.

* [*Kortlandt 2013] Repeated Author. 2013. Schleicher's fable edited by L. University.

* [*Kümmel et al. 2001] Kümmel, M., Th. Zehnder, R. Lipp, and B. Schirmer. 2001. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen (LIV). Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Nikolaev 2009] Nikolaev, Alexander. 2009. The Germanic word for ‘sword’ and delocatival derivation in Proto-Indo-European. Journal of Indo-European Studies 37 (3/4):461-488.

* [*Pooth 2017] Pooth, Roland A. 2017. Proto-Indo-European Nominal Morphology. Part 2. Adjectives. Language Arts 5 (version 2017 APR 21).

* [*Ringe 2006] Ringe, D. 2006. A Linguistic History of English: Volume I, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. Edited by D. Ringe. 2 vols. Vol. 1, A Linguistic History of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />

Schleicher's Fable

2017-10-31T16:16:56Z

Admin:

<div class="row">
<div class="small-6 column">
'''North-West Indo-European'''

1 ó'''u̯is''' é'''ku̯ōs'''-kʷe,

2 ó'''u̯is''' '''i̯ós'''mi u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''est''';

3 é'''ku̯ons''' de'''dór'''ke,

4 tom gʷr̥h'''u̯úm''' u̯ó'''gʰom''' u̯é'''gʰon'''tm̥,

5 tom mé'''gām''' bʰó'''rom''',

6 tom '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ '''ō'''kú bʰé'''ron'''tm̥.,

7 ó'''u̯is''' éku̯o'''bʰos''' u̯eu'''kʷét''':

8 “kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' moi,

9 '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ é'''ku̯ons''' á'''gon'''tm̥ u̯idn̥'''téi'''”

10 é'''ku̯ōs''' u̯eu'''kʷónt''': “kl̥'''néu''', ó'''u̯i'''!

11 kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' nos u̯idn̥t'''bʰós''':

12 ''dʰ''gʰmōn, pó'''tis''', ó'''u̯i̯os''' u̯ĺ̥'''nām'''

13 sé'''bʰei''' '''gʷʰór'''mom '''u̯és'''trom kʷr̥'''néu'''ti.

14 ó'''u̯i̯om'''-kʷe u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''es'''ti”.

15 Tod keklu'''u̯ṓs''' ó'''u̯is''' á'''grom''' bʰu'''gét'''.

</div>
<div class="small-6 column">

'''English'''

1 The sheep and the horses.

2 A sheep that had no wool

3 saw horses;

4 one pulling a heavy wagon,

5 one carrying a big load,

6 one carrying a man quickly.

7 The sheep said to the horses:

8 “My heart pains me,

9 seeing a man driving horses.”

10 The horses said: “Listen, sheep!

11 Our hearts pain us when we see this:

12 A man, the master, makes the wool of the sheep

13 into a warm garment for himself.

14 And the sheep has no wool.”

15 Having heard this, the sheep fled into the plain
</div>
</div>

A recitation of the text is available on [https://youtu.be/_6ne-xvC0TU Youtube].

{{#evt:
service=youtube
|id=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_6ne-xvC0TU
|alignment=center
}}

Certain potentially controversial selections have been made:

* As in other tonal languages<ref>Just like Mandarin Chinese, PIE must have had both stress and pitch accent. Both were important, since some syllables must have had more prominence than others, and high pitch seems to have been more prominent – vowel length appears in most Anatolian words on PIE stressed syllable[DeLisi 2013]. As a rule of thumb – as e.g. in the reconstructed Ancient Greek pronunciation, in Arabic, or in the Sezer stress pattern in Turkish –, syllable weight (the length of the syllable) marks the stress of words in this rendition of the fable. Whenever possible, then, syllables that include a long vowel or a diphthong (CVV) and those with more than one consonant (CVCC) are stressed. If in conflict, those with a combination of both (CVVCC) are probably the stressed ones.</ref>, stress accent has been placed on heavy syllables during recitation, and these are marked in bold.

*For laryngeals and vocalism, see below. For *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' < **''h₂/₃u̯ĺ̥h₁-neh₂'', two possible results in NWIE were *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' / *''uhlā́nā''. Because of O.Ind. ''ū́rṇā''-, a pronunciation *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' is selected.

*For *''eku̯ons'', probably from an older **''eku̯o-m-s'' formed by the accusative singular ending *-''m'' and plural ending *-''s'', cf. *-''ms'' in Anatolian[Kloekhorst 2008]. An older form for ‘horse’ is found in Anatolian **''eku-m-s'', cf. Hitt. ekku-[Kortlandt 2013] – the likely general development in LIE (and certainly in NWIE) has been selected, though.

* *''dedórke'' carries the accent on the root, as usually reconstructed following Indo-Iranian examples[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The alternative *''dédorke'' is also possible. The more commonly reconstructed term for the fable, *''woide'', originally a perfect of *''weid''-, ‘see’, had already by LIE adopted a slightly different meaning, ‘know’, potentially from a previous ‘state derived of having seen’ (?).

*The accusative *''tom'' has been used, instead of the nominative *''so'', because they are the objects (acc. *''éku̯ons'') seen. However, the use of nominative *''so'' would also be right, especially from a historical point of view, when it was not yet inflected – like uninflected *''i'' instead of *''i̯ós''-[Kortlandt 2010].

* *''mégā'' has been declined following LIE and NWIE examples, although it has been proposed that it was indeclinable in earlier times[Pooth 2017].

*For *''dʰgʰmon''-: There seems to be a trend toward simplification of the initial phoneme in this cluster in NWIE, hence the pronunciation *''gʰmon''-; cf. O.Lat. ''hemō'' (Osc. ''humuns'', Umbr. ''homonus''), Gmc. *''gum-an-'', Bal. *''ǯmō̃'' (O. Lith. ''žmuõ'', O. Pruss. ''smoy''). A different reduction is found in O.Ir. duine < *''don-i̯os'', probably from metathesised form *''gdon-i̯os'' < **''gʰdʰmon-i̯os''.
** The other common LIE word used to translate ‘man’ in the fable, *''ner''-, is not used here because of its more specialised use in NWIE as ‘manly, strong’ mainly in archaisms, cf. Italo-Celtic *''ner''- (as Lat. ''neriōsus'', O.Ir. ''nert''), Gmc. *''ner''- (OHG ''Nerthus''), Bal. *''ner-/nor-'' (Lith. ''Nertėti'', O.Pruss. ''nertien'').

*Obliques in *-''bʰ''- have been used, following the Italo-Celtic and Graeco-Aryan examples, against *-''m''- found in Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which is potentially influenced by a common substrate to both languages (see [[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]). The pronunciation of *-''bʰ''- in *''u̯idn̥tbʰós'' seems to be compelled by the preceding *-''t''- to be in *-''pʰos'' or *-''ɸos'', although an effort is made to pronounce it in a phonemically correct way.

*Aorists are reconstructed without augment in *''é-'', proper of Graeco-Aryan[Meier-Brügger 2003].

*Nominative *''kērd'' is reconstructed with a *-''d'' at the end, although it was possibly mute[Ringe 2006].

*Middle-passives are reconstructed in *-''r'', following the generalised belief of its older nature – as a primary ending in Anatolian and Tocharian –, and its reconstruction for Italo-Celtic, as well as remains with impersonal value in Germanic.

*For present stem *''kl̥néu''-/''kl̥nu''-, ‘hear’, cf. O.Ir. ''ro-cluinethar'', Toch. B ''kalneṃ'', A ''kälniñc'', and also Skt. ''śr̥ṇóti'', Av. ''surunaoiti''. For verbal stem *''klu''-, frequently used when reconstructing the fable, the original meaning appears to be ‘be named, be renown’, cf. Av. ''sruiiē'', ‘be famous’, Lat. ''clueō'', ‘be named, be famous’, S.Picene ''kduíú'', ‘be named’[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The optional imperative suffix *-''dʰí'' is not used.

*Voiced consonants at the end of syllable (such as *-''d'', *-''gʰ''-, etc.) are pronounced voiced, because LIE or NWIE did not have final obstruent devoicing as a rule[Byrd 2010]. However, there are certain known cases of regressive assimilation, such as *DT→*TT, hence *''tod'' in the last sentence may be more exactly pronounced as *''tot-kekluu̯ṓs''.

*We have selected the form *''ágros''[Ringe 2006][Nikolaev 2009] over the more ‘traditional’ *''agrós''.

== References ==

* [*Byrd 2010] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2010. Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification, Linguistics Faculty, University of California, Los Angeles.

* [*DeLisi 2013] DeLisi, Jessica. 2013. Notes on Indo-European Linguistics. In Derived primarily from lecture notes from Indo-European Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax classes taught at UCLA by H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine from 2008-2009.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Edited by A. Lubotsky, Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

* [*Kortlandt 2010] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2010. Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi.

* [*Kortlandt 2013] Repeated Author. 2013. Schleicher's fable edited by L. University.

* [*Kümmel et al. 2001] Kümmel, M., Th. Zehnder, R. Lipp, and B. Schirmer. 2001. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen (LIV). Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Nikolaev 2009] Nikolaev, Alexander. 2009. The Germanic word for ‘sword’ and delocatival derivation in Proto-Indo-European. Journal of Indo-European Studies 37 (3/4):461-488.

* [*Pooth 2017] Pooth, Roland A. 2017. Proto-Indo-European Nominal Morphology. Part 2. Adjectives. Language Arts 5 (version 2017 APR 21).

* [*Ringe 2006] Ringe, D. 2006. A Linguistic History of English: Volume I, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. Edited by D. Ringe. 2 vols. Vol. 1, A Linguistic History of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />

North-West Indo-European

2017-10-31T11:41:50Z

Admin:

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A common North-West Indo-European (NWIE) group is being increasingly accepted in the literature[Oettinger 1997][Oettinger 2003][Adrados 1998][Mallory and Adams 2007][Mallory 2013][Beekes 2011]. Genetic research indicates that there was an Indo-European-speaking community in close contact in the East Bell Beaker group, evolved from western Yamna migrants ca. 2500 BC.

This group expanded successfully in a short period into wide territories of western, northern, and eastern Europe, territories whose languages later evolved into Celtic, Italic, and Germanic, and probably Balto-Slavic (or its substrate language, ‘Temematic’), thus allowing for certain innovations to spread between these languages[Harrison and Heyd 2007][Mallory 2013][Quiles 2017].

The Bell Beaker territory is to some extent coincident with the one identified of Old European hydronymy[Krahe 1964][Krahe 1949][Nicolaisen 1957], a quasi-uniform name-giving system for water courses that shows Indo-European water-words and suffixes following rules of Late Proto-Indo-European word formation[Adrados 1998].

Fragmentary languages probably belonging to this group are Lusitanian (sometimes linked with Celtic) and Venetic (sometimes linked with Italic). Dubious is the nature of proposed substrate languages, like Belgian, Sorothaptic, Pre-Celtic Irish, or Pictish. Probably unrelated, from a Palaeo-Balkan group, are Messapian and Illyrian.

[https://indo-european.eu/maps/yamna-bell-beaker/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/yamna-bell-beaker.jpg]
''Yamna - East Bell Beaker migration 3000-2300 BC. Most likely homeland of the North-West Indo-European proto-language. Adapted from Heyd[Harrison and Heyd 2007] ''

Proto-Romance reconstruction, albeit quite similar to Latin[Hall 1983], is obviously an artifice, not equal to Old Latin, since the development of Romance languages happened in the wide territories where Vulgar Latin was spoken in Antiquity. Romance languages were influenced by local, regional, inter-regional, or international contacts, so that they cannot be traced back to a single ancestral language without help from historical records and internal reconstruction. However, given the close community where the original North-West Indo-European homeland must have formed (most likely in the Upper Danube, between modern Southern Germany and Budapest), we can assume that most reconstructed changes for North-West Indo-European happened during a period of a close western Yamna–Classical Bell Beaker community, before its sudden European expansion.

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/nwie-scheme-1.png]

''Abbreviations of Proto-Indo-European language stages and dialects, with names used in this work and reference to older works, including approximate date guesstimates.''

The reconstruction of North-West Indo-European (like the reconstruction of Late Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Hititte) should therefore not be considered a mere theoretical exercise, but a pragmatic approach to the phonetic reconstruction of a real language, spoken by a close community of people that lived during the mid-3rd millennium in a relatively small region of central Europe. During and after their expansion, close ties were kept between vast regions of the Bell Beaker culture – in contrast to the relationship with neighbouring cultures, like the Corded Ware culture – which further supports its close ethnolinguistic identification.

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/pie_stages.png]

''Stages of Proto-Indo-European evolution. IU: Indo-Uralic; PU: Proto-Uralic; PAn: Pre-Anatolian; PToch: Pre-Tocharian; Fin-Ugr: Finno-Ugric. The period between Balkan IE and Proto-Greek could be divided in two periods: an older one, called Proto-Greek (close to the time when NWIE was spoken), probably including Macedonian, and spoken somewhere in the Balkans; and a more recent one, called Mello-Greek, coinciding with the classically reconstructed Proto-Greek, already spoken in the Greek peninsula[West 2007]. Similarly, the period between Northern Indo-European and North-West Indo-European could be divided, after the split of Pre-Tocharian, into a North-West Indo-European proper, during the expansion of Yamna to the west, and an Old European period, coinciding with the formation and expansion of the East Bell Beaker group.''

== Conclusion ==

There is an ever-growing ground for the support of an intermediate European branch between Late Proto-Indo-European and European proto-languages.

Genetic studies are showing that the concept of Indo-European migrations is real, and it has also shown that closely related communities expanded over huge areas where ancient European languages were later attested. This gives strong support to an actual ancestral language spoken by a community of people – in contrast with the ‘constellation analogy’ of Clackson[2007] –, and that these reconstructed branches evolved within small territories – unlike Latin in the Roman Empire. Both facts point strongly to the possibility of reconstructing a real, uniform language, unifying previous concepts such as the North-West Indo-European group, the Italo-Celto-Germanic community, Italo-Celtic, the fragmentary languages classified as of “Pre-Celtic” nature, or the language behind Old European hydronymy.

Immobility and conservatism have unexpectedly seized the field[Adrados 2007]: from the nineties we have seen a decline in the theory which proposes at least two strata of Indo-European (with the archaism of Hittite barely mentioned), with the most commonly used manuals barely presenting the effects of gradual dialectalisation – and this only related to Hittite phonetics.

The field keeps moving forward in the study of individual languages, but the general theory is paralysed, so that in fact dialectal studies are actually based on false theoretical assumptions.

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Adrados 2007] Adrados, Francisco R. 2007. A Panorama of Indo-European Linguistics since the Middle of the Twentieth Cntury: Advances and Immobilism. JIES 35 (1&2):129-154.

* [*Beekes 2011] Beekes, Robert S.P. 2011. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An introduction. 2nd ed. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

* [*2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*Hall 1983] Hall, Robert Anderson. 1983. Proto-Romance Morphology, Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.

* [*Harrison and Heyd 2007] Harrison, Richard, and Volker Heyd. 2007. The Transformation of Europe in the Third Millennium BC: the example of ‘Le Petit-Chasseur I + III’ (Sion, Valais, Switzerland). Praehistorische Zeitschrift 82 (2).

* [*Nicolaisen 1957] Nicolaisen, W. 1957. Die alteuropäischen Gewässernamen der britischen Hauptinsel. Beiträge zur Namenforschung:211-268.

* [*Krahe 1949] Krahe, H. 1949. Alteuropäische Flußnamen. Beiträge zur Namenforschung 1:24–51, 247–266 (and cont. in following volumes).

* [*Krahe 1964] Krahe, H. 1964. Unsere ältesten Flußnamen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

* [*Mallory and Adams 2007] Mallory, J., and D.Q. Adams. 2007. Reconstructing the Proto-Indo-Europeans. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Mallory 2013] Mallory, J.P. 2013. The Indo-Europeanization of Atlantic Europe. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Oettinger 2003] Oettinger, Norbert. 2003. Neuerungen in Lexikon und Wortbildung des Nordwest-Indogermanischen. In Languages in prehistoric Europe, edited by A. Bammesberger, M. Bieswanger, J. Grzega and T. Venneman. Heidelberg: Winter.

* [*Oettinger 1997] Oettinger, Norbert. 1997. Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Nordwest-Indogermanischen. Incontri Linguistici 20 (93-111).

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 2nd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*West 2007] West, M.L. 2007. Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
<HarvardReferences />

Template:Index

2017-10-31T11:38:33Z

Admin:

{| class="editlink noprint plainlinks {{talk other|tmbox tmbox-notice|ombox ombox-notice}} mbox-small" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" style="float: right; clear: right; border: 0px solid maroon; border-collapse: collapse; margin: 0em 0em 1em 1em; background: whitesmoke; font-size: 90%; width: 15em;"
! style="background: whitesmoke; padding: 5px; border-bottom: 1px solid black; " |
{| cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: transparent; "
| <big>'''[[Old European]]'''</big>
|}
|-
|
{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[North-West Indo-European]]'''
|-
| [[Schleicher's Fable]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[Laryngeal loss and vocalism]]'''
|-
| [[Laryngeals]]
|-
| [[Laryngeal evolution]]
|-
| [[Laryngeal reflexes in North-West Indo-European]]
|-
| [[A stable paradigm]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[The three-dorsal theory]]'''
|-
| [[Two series of velars]]
|-
| [[Three series of velars]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]'''
|-
|}
|-
! style="text-align:center; background: #fff;" | [[Template:Index|Index]]
|}

Corded Ware substrate hypothesis

2017-10-31T11:37:23Z

Admin:

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== Abstract ==

''The common traits found between Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic – not related to each other – and between Balto-Slavic and Germanic – not more related between them than to Italo-Celtic –, have puzzled Indo-Europeanists for more than a century.''

''While common substrate vocabulary and isoglosses have been proposed, there is no coherent picture to date of their actual relationship. ''

''In this paper we connect recent genetic investigation with the potential substrate language common to the three branches, represented by Corded Ware culture groups of the North Caspian region, central Europe, and Scandinavia. Furthermore, we argue that populations of the Corded Ware culture may have spoken Uralic proto-languages.''

== Different communities with a common origin ==

Both European cultures (mainly of R1b-L51 subclades) and eastern Pontic-Caspian steppe cultures (mainly of R1b-Z2103 subclades) underwent an evolution represented by their absorption into populations of Corded Ware lineages (represented mainly by R1a-Z645 subclades). This evolution happened roughly at the same time, so it could be argued that these northern-eastern European peoples of the Corded Ware culture happened to speak similar dialects that could have influenced their adoption of Indo-European languages.

In Europe, North-West Indo-European communities speaking Pre-Germanic merged with peoples from the Battle Axe culture during the Dagger Period of the late Nordic Neolithic (ca. 2400-1700), while Pre-Balto-Slavic probably merged with Corded Ware cultures in the Únětice or Mierzanowice/Nitra cultural regions (ca. 2300-1600). In the steppe, Graeco-Aryan dialects spoken in the eastern Yamna and Poltavka cultures were replaced by peoples of Abashevo origin forming the Potapovka and Sintashta cultures (ca. 2100-1800 BC). Because both dialects, a Northern and a Southern IE one, already developed quite differently, evolved in a similar manner, their changes may be explained by a common Corded Ware substrate language.

The nature of this proposed substrate language may thus be a priori non-Indo-European, Pre-Indo-European, or Indo-European.

== Uralic as the language of the Corded Ware culture ==

It has been classically proposed that a Mesolithic language of eastern Europe is to be identified with a Uralic community, and a date ca. 4000 BC has been proposed for the common reconstructible Proto-Uralic language[Parpola 2012][Kortlandt 2002]. Furthermore, Finno-Ugric has been shown to have developed in close contact with Proto-Indo-Iranian[Kallio 2002].

A common Indo-Uralic[Kortlandt 2002][Kloekhorst 2008] community is probably to be traced back to the formation of early Sredni Stog and early Khvalynsk cultures at the end of the 6tʰ millennium, and their development as Uralic and Indo-European respectively is traced to their independent evolution during the Eneolithic in the Pontic-Caspian steppe, west and east of the Don River, respectively[Quiles 2017].

Recent genetic investigation has shown that the expansion of the third Corded Ware horizon was closely related to the cultures of the north-west Pontic steppe, heirs of the early Sredni Stog culture. This is therefore to be related to the expansion of the main Proto-Uralic dialects.

== Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic ==

It has been argued that similarities found in Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic languages – like the peculiar phonetic ruki development, a similar satem trend in both groups[Meier-Brügger 2003] – suggest a sort of west-east continuum between both languages, with certain features running through them[Mallory and Adams 2007].

From a linguistic point of view, the characteristic palatalization of the consonant system in Proto-Uralic - including palatalised *ć, *ś (and postalveolar *č, *š) alongside plain velar *k and dental *s –, is compatible with the similarly transposed velar and sibilant system adopted for Late Indo-European dialects by Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian speakers, thus explaining the strongest phonetic connection between these dialectally diverse Indo-European languages. Differences in the Baltic and Slavic satemization processes also point to an early split of the North-West Indo-European dialect ancestral to both, before or during its assimilation by different Uralic-speaking communities of late Corded Ware cultures.

The potential satem influence argued to be behind certain phonetic developments of Anatolian (especially Luwian) and certain Paleo-Balkan languages can also be posited to be the result of adoption of these traits during the crossing of territories of the Sredni Stog / Corded Ware horizon, during the migration of Indo-Hittite and Late Indo-European speakers respectively, although they most likely represent independent satemisation processes (see above).

This model supports thus the reconstruction of two series of velars: the traditional reconstruction of dorsovelars and labiovelars[Lehmann 1952], which is usually ignored in common textbooks in favour of the older reconstruction of a third series of palatovelars[Bomhard 2015]; but also Martinet’s glottalic consonants[Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1995].

The developments of Proto-Finno-Ugric *ō, *ē - → Proto-Ugric *a, *ä – merging with original *a, *ä –[Häkkinen 2009] could be related to the phonetic changes found between Late Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Iranian, i.e. *e/o → *a, *ē/ō→*ā. That would suggest that the easternmost part of the domain, including probably the Abashevo-Balanovo cultures, spoke Proto-Ugric or a related Finno-Ugric language, at roughly the same time as the assimilation of the (Pre-Indo-Iranian-speaking) Poltavka population happened within the Sintashta and Potapovka cultures, ca. 2100 BC.

Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian share a special position among Indo-European languages regarding their rather conservative nominal case system. It has been argued that languages with more second language speakers lose nominal cases[Bentz et al. 2015]. It has also been shown that forces driving grammatical change are different (stronger) than those driving lexical change[Greenhill et al. 2017]. These natural human trends would explain the higher simplification of the declension system in Late Indo-European dialects of west and south-east Europe, compared with the conservation of the original system by speakers of Uralic dialects, known for their large set of grammatical cases. At the same time, the greater stability of lexicon would support the close relationship of European languages of the North-West Indo-European group.

On the other hand, this could also give support to the theory that Late Proto-Indo-European had in fact a simpler nominal system, derived from a still simpler one of Middle Proto-Indo-European[Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2016]. In this case, Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic morphological differences would be later innovations. However, that would need an explanation as to how Uralic speakers adopting Late Proto-Indo-European added complexity to the language, instead of simplifying it.

== Germanic and Balto-Slavic ==

A western Corded Ware substratum could also be argued to be the origin of certain common isoglosses found between Germanic and Balto-Slavic.

According to Kortlandt[2016], the similarities between both dialects must be due to a common Indo-European substrate, since there is no reason to assume early contacts between Germanic and Balto-Slavic. In terms of the “Temematic hypothesis”, which favours a satem or Indo-Slavonic group, Germanic and Temematic would share common western Corded Ware isoglosses, and only later would Proto-Balto-Slavic – already separated from Proto-Indo-Iranian – absorb Temematic as a substratum language.

On the other hand, the expansion of East Bell Beaker peoples must have happened in different waves: one to the east, through Moravian and Bohemian groups into Polish lands and north European lowlands; and one to the west, including Middle Elbe/Saale and Dutch groups, which later migrated into southern Scandinavia, maybe absorbing some common linguistic traits in their north-eastern migration through the European lowlands.

Especially important is the peculiar dative plural in *-m- shared by Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which can’t be explained by late influences. Because of that, Kortlandt[2016] has argued that LIE dative plural *-mus must have been replaced by the ablative ending *-bhos in Italo-Celtic and Indo-Iranian (where *-bhi̯os may reflect the attachment of *-os to the instrumental forms in *-bhi-). Nevertheless, on one hand there is a general consensus that the original form behind Sla. *-mъ and O.Lith. -mus (maybe influenced by Old Prussian) must have come from a dative-ablative plural *-mos (cf. PGmc *-maz), and not from *-mus as suggested by Georgiev[1966] and Kortlandt[Halla-aho 2006]. Similarly, the common instrumental in *-mi- behind Germanic and Balto-Slavic forms contrasts with the rest of the Late Indo-European domain, which shows *-bhi-.

The Uralic declension system of genitive in *-n, locative in *-n- (with three-way systems in later periods), as well as the lative in -ŋ, may have influenced the change of dative-ablative and instrumental forms in *-bʰ- → *-m-. Judging from samples of potential Indo-Uralic cognates, the correspondence between Proto-Indo-European and Uralic forms has been tentatively reconstructed by Kroonen[2015] as follows: PIE *d – PU *n; PIE *bʰ – PU *ŋi; PIE gʰ – PU *ŋ; PIE *gʰʷ – PU *uŋ. Interesting in this respect may also be the Livonian dative in -n, only partially stemming from the Uralic genitive in *-n, and which has strong links to the Latvian dative in *-m-[Seržant 2015].

It could then be hypothesised that North-West Indo-European had the old dative-ablative and instrumental forms in *-bʰ- during the initial migration of East Bell Beaker groups into Corded Ware territories of the northern lowlands. There, the declension system would have undergone a slight phonetic change (adapted to the somehow similar Uralic case system), e.g. ins. sg. *-bʰi → *-ŋi, ins. pl. *-bʰis → *-ŋis, and (maybe by assimilation with the other two forms) dat.-abl. pl. *-bʰos →*-ŋos. Such a change would obviously need an additional, ad hoc explanation for the change *-ŋ- to the reconstructed common *-m-. An explanation may be found in the lack of the phoneme /ŋ/ in the definitive phonetic system adopted, thus compelling for the eventual adoption by the next generations of speakers of a different phoneme, /m/, already present in the declension system (in the accusative singular ending), and – in contrast with /n/ – without the possibility of confounding these forms with the accusative plural in *-ns. This (now fully Indo-European) substrate language of north-central European Bell Beakers would have later influenced western groups during their migration into Scandinavia through the northern lowlands, and they would have remained as a part of the eastern Bell Beaker groups that later formed the Únětice and the Iwno-Mierzanowice cultures.

Witness to this intermediate substrate may also be the common forms of Indo-European origin found in Germanic and Baltic, and to some extent in Slavic, limited to social phenomena and especially to technical terms for wooden tools and utensils[Kortlandt 2016].

The same substrate could be argued to be behind certain traits common to Germanic, Balto-Slavic, Uralic, and other Eurasian languages[Klesment et al. 2003] – although many are constrained to Balto-Slavic and Uralic, which probably developed late in neighbouring territories.

The Germanic passive ending in *-i, in contrast with the original PIE ending in *-r-, may also be related to a common loss of the middle-passive endings in both Germanic and Balto-Slavic (or in the substrate language). It would have then been remade later with the common primary ending *-i, during the development of a Germanic community in Scandinavia after the Dagger Period, and only traces of the ending *-r with an impersonal value are left in Germanic.

Supporting the presence of an intermediate Indo-European substrate before the formation of a Pre-Germanic community would be the lack of a strong phonetic influence from Uralic, as found in Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic. Its development in Scandinavia during the unification represented by the Dagger Period must have been influenced by different regional cultures.

== Common traits and other substrate hypotheses ==

Common traits between Germanic, Balto-Slavic, and Indo-Iranian, not coincident with other Indo-European branches, are quite difficult to find. After all, any Uralic traits common to the three branches may be related to an original Indo-Uralic community.

One such example is found in the reconstructed IE *manu-, ‘man’, cf. O. Ind. mánu-, Avestan Manuš-čiɵra-, Gmc. *mann-, Sla. *mǭ̀žь (< **mon-gio-?, with suffix similar to Lith. žmo-g-ùs, ‘man’). It has its parallel in PU *mańć-, ‘man’, cf. Hu. magyar, Finn. mies, Khanty mańt́, Mansi mäńćī. Its connection with an Indo-Uralic word may be made through a potential PToch *mänśu-, ‘prince’, as reconstructed by Adams, although this etymology (from Toch. A mäśkit, B mäñcuṣke) is dubious at best, and such a frozen use could have been influenced by the Indo-Iranian expansion in the region. The natural use of the word ‘man’ to describe an ethnic group would place it in a good position to survive in superstrate languages replacing the Uralic languages of cultures remaining in close contact with Uralic-speaking peoples. The lack of such an essential word – also strongly connected to basic mythological cosmology – in the other attested Indo-European dialects is difficult to justify.

Many of the Indo-Iranian substrate words and word forms described by Lubotsky[2001], most of them probably of non-Indo-European origin, may have been in fact of Uralic origin: “as is well known, Uralic has heavily borrowed from Indo-Iranian, but I agree with those scholars who believe that many of the apparent early borrowings rather reflect an etymological relationship between Uralic and Indo-European”.

Kroonen’s agricultural substrate hypothesis relates the substrate vocabulary and noun inflection traits to a Middle Eastern language, potentially related to Proto-Semitic[Kroonen 2012], which he has only recently related to the adoption of the language of the Funnelbeaker culture in Scandinavia[Iversen and Kroonen 2017], presupposing that Corded Ware peoples spoke Indo-European dialects. However, the same substrate could be argued to have influenced the third Corded Ware horizon, from the interaction of Balkan and steppe communities in the north-west Pontic steppe, since it is known that there is a strong genetic and cultural (and thus probably linguistic) connection of Balkan Chalcolithic cultures to Neolithic Anatolian farmers.

This is compatible with the idea that no words for domesticated animals can be reconstructed for Proto-Uralic, safe for dog[Pereltsvaig and Lewis 2015]. Hence peoples from the western steppe (mainly late Sredni Stog and Kvitjana cultures) might have borrowed them during the formation of the Third Corded Ware Horizon (through the influence of Trypillian, GAC, and Baden cultures), and they would have expanded with initial migration to the north-west.

That substrate, common to the western Uralic dialects spoken by Corded Ware groups across northern Europe, would have then been assimilated to different degrees by both Pre-Germanic and Balto-Slavic communities absorbing Corded Ware groups – and even Pre-Greek communities because of contacts in the Balkans –, as the examples in Kroonen[2012] show.

== References ==

* [*Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2016] Adrados, F.R., A. Bernabé, and J. Mendoza. 2016. Manual of Indo-European Linguistics II: Nominal and Verbal Morphology. Edited by P. Swiggers. 3 vols. Vol. 2, Orbis Supplementa. Leuven: Peeters.

* [*Bentz et al. 2015] Bentz, Christian, Annemarie Verkerk, Douwe Kiela, Felix Hill, and Paula Buttery. 2015. Adaptive Communication: Languages with More Non-Native Speakers Tend to Have Fewer Word Forms. PLOS ONE 10 (6):e0128254.

* [*Bomhard 2015] Bomhard, Alan R. 2015. A Comprehensive Introduction to Nostratic Comparative Linguistics. With special reference to Indo-European. Second revised, corrected and expanded edition (as of May 2017) ed. 4 vols. Vol. 1. Charleston, SC.

* [*Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1995] Gamkrelidze, T. V., and V. V. Ivanov. 1995. Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans: A Reconstruction and Historical Analysis of a Proto-Language and Proto-Culture. Part I: The Structure of Proto-Indo-European. Part II: Semantic Dictionary of Proto-Indo-European Language. Vol. 80. Walter de Gruyter, 1995. Edited by W. Winter. Vol. 80. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

* [*1966] Georgiev, Vladimir Ivanov. 1966. Introduzione alla storia delle lingue indeuropee. Vol. 9: Ed. dell'Ateneo.

* [*Greenhill et al. 2017] Greenhill, Simon J., Chieh-Hsi Wu, Xia Hua, Michael Dunn, Stephen C. Levinson, and Russell D. Gray. 2017. Evolutionary dynamics of language systems. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114 (42):E8822-E8829.

* [*Häkkinen 2009] Häkkinen, Jaakko. 2009. Kantauralin ajoitus ja paikannus: perustelut puntarissa. SUSA/JSFOu 92:9-56.

* [*Halla-aho 2006] Halla-aho, Jussi. 2006. Problems of Proto-Slavic Historical Nominal Morphology On the Basis of Old Church Slavic, Faculty of Arts, University of Helsinki, Helsinki.

* [*Iversen and Kroonen 2017] Iversen, Rune, and Guus Kroonen. 2017. Talking Neolithic: Linguistic and Archaeological Perspectives on How Indo-European Was Implemented in Southern Scandinavia. American Journal of Archaeology 121 (4):511-525.

* [*Kallio 2002] Kallio, Petri. 2002. Prehistoric Contacts between Indo-European and Uralic. In Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, edited by K. Jones-Bley, M. E. Huld, A. D. Volpe and M. R. Dexter. Washington, DC: Institute for the Study of Man.

* [*Klesment et al. 2003] Klesment, Piret , Ago Künnap, Sven-Erik Soosaar, and Rein Taagepera. 2003. Common Phonetic and Grammatical Features of the Uralic Languages and Other Languages in Northern Eurasia. JIES 31 (3 & 4):1-27.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Some Indo-Uralic Aspects of Hittite. JIES 36 (1 & 2).

* [*Kortlandt 2002] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2002. The Indo-Uralic verb. In Finno-Ugrians and Indo-Europeans: Linguistic and literary contacts. Maastricht: Shaker.

* [*2016]
* [*Kortlandt 2016] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2016. Baltic, Slavic, Germanic. Baltistica 51 (1):81-86.

* [*2012]
* [*Kroonen 2012] Kroonen, Guus. 2012. Non-Indo-European root nouns in Germanic: Evidence in support of the Agricultural Substrate Hypothesis. In A Linguistic Map of Prehistoric Northern Europe, edited by R. Grünthal and P. Kallio. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seura.

* [*2015] Kroonen, Guus. 2015. Indo-Uralic lookalike sets, an etymological quick scan. In The Precursors of Proto-Indo-European: The Indo-Hittite and Indo-Uralic Hypotheses. Leiden University, 9-11 July 2015.

* [*Lehmann 1952] Lehmann, W. P. 1952. Proto-Indo-European Phonology. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

* [*2001] Lubotsky, Alexander. 2001. Early Contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: Linguistic and Archaeological Considerations. Paper read at Papers presented at an international symposium held at the Tvärminne Research Station of the University of Helsinki 8-10 January 1999. (Mémoires de la Société Finno-ougrienne 242.), at Helsinki.

* [*Mallory and Adams 2007] Mallory, J., and D.Q. Adams. 2007. Reconstructing the Proto-Indo-Europeans. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Parpola 2012] Parpola, Asko. 2012. The problem of Samoyed origins in the light of archaeology: On the formation and dispersal of East Uralic (Proto-Ugro-Samoyed). Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne (264).

* [*Pereltsvaig and Lewis 2015] Pereltsvaig, Asya, and Martin W. Lewis. 2015. The Indo-European Controversy. Facts and Fallacies in Historical Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 3rd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*Seržant 2015] Seržant, A. 2015. Dative experiencer constructions as a Circum-Baltic isogloss. In Contemporary Approaches to Baltic Linguistics, edited by P. Arkadiev, A. Holvoet and B. Wiemer. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter.

<HarvardReferences />

Corded Ware substrate hypothesis

2017-10-31T11:36:40Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> == Abstract == ''The common traits found between Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic – not related to..."

<div align="right">
{{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}}
</div>

== Abstract ==

''The common traits found between Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic – not related to each other – and between Balto-Slavic and Germanic – not more related between them than to Italo-Celtic –, have puzzled Indo-Europeanists for more than a century.''

''While common substrate vocabulary and isoglosses have been proposed, there is no coherent picture to date of their actual relationship. ''

''In this paper we connect recent genetic investigation with the potential substrate language common to the three branches, represented by Corded Ware culture groups of the North Caspian region, central Europe, and Scandinavia. Furthermore, we argue that populations of the Corded Ware culture may have spoken Uralic proto-languages.''

== Different communities with a common origin ==

Both European cultures (mainly of R1b-L51 subclades) and eastern Pontic-Caspian steppe cultures (mainly of R1b-Z2103 subclades) underwent an evolution represented by their absorption into populations of Corded Ware lineages (represented mainly by R1a-Z645 subclades). This evolution happened roughly at the same time, so it could be argued that these northern-eastern European peoples of the Corded Ware culture happened to speak similar dialects that could have influenced their adoption of Indo-European languages.

In Europe, North-West Indo-European communities speaking Pre-Germanic merged with peoples from the Battle Axe culture during the Dagger Period of the late Nordic Neolithic (ca. 2400-1700), while Pre-Balto-Slavic probably merged with Corded Ware cultures in the Únětice or Mierzanowice/Nitra cultural regions (ca. 2300-1600). In the steppe, Graeco-Aryan dialects spoken in the eastern Yamna and Poltavka cultures were replaced by peoples of Abashevo origin forming the Potapovka and Sintashta cultures (ca. 2100-1800 BC). Because both dialects, a Northern and a Southern IE one, already developed quite differently, evolved in a similar manner, their changes may be explained by a common Corded Ware substrate language.

The nature of this proposed substrate language may thus be a priori non-Indo-European, Pre-Indo-European, or Indo-European.

== Uralic as the language of the Corded Ware culture ==

It has been classically proposed that a Mesolithic language of eastern Europe is to be identified with a Uralic community, and a date ca. 4000 BC has been proposed for the common reconstructible Proto-Uralic language[Parpola 2012][Kortlandt 2002]. Furthermore, Finno-Ugric has been shown to have developed in close contact with Proto-Indo-Iranian[Kallio 2002].

A common Indo-Uralic[Kortlandt 2002][Kloekhorst 2008] community is probably to be traced back to the formation of early Sredni Stog and early Khvalynsk cultures at the end of the 6tʰ millennium, and their development as Uralic and Indo-European respectively is traced to their independent evolution during the Eneolithic in the Pontic-Caspian steppe, west and east of the Don River, respectively[Quiles 2017].

Recent genetic investigation has shown that the expansion of the third Corded Ware horizon was closely related to the cultures of the north-west Pontic steppe, heirs of the early Sredni Stog culture. This is therefore to be related to the expansion of the main Proto-Uralic dialects.

== Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic ==

It has been argued that similarities found in Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic languages – like the peculiar phonetic ruki development, a similar satem trend in both groups[Meier-Brügger 2003] – suggest a sort of west-east continuum between both languages, with certain features running through them[Mallory and Adams 2007].

From a linguistic point of view, the characteristic palatalization of the consonant system in Proto-Uralic - including palatalised *ć, *ś (and postalveolar *č, *š) alongside plain velar *k and dental *s –, is compatible with the similarly transposed velar and sibilant system adopted for Late Indo-European dialects by Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian speakers, thus explaining the strongest phonetic connection between these dialectally diverse Indo-European languages. Differences in the Baltic and Slavic satemization processes also point to an early split of the North-West Indo-European dialect ancestral to both, before or during its assimilation by different Uralic-speaking communities of late Corded Ware cultures.

The potential satem influence argued to be behind certain phonetic developments of Anatolian (especially Luwian) and certain Paleo-Balkan languages can also be posited to be the result of adoption of these traits during the crossing of territories of the Sredni Stog / Corded Ware horizon, during the migration of Indo-Hittite and Late Indo-European speakers respectively, although they most likely represent independent satemisation processes (see above).

This model supports thus the reconstruction of two series of velars: the traditional reconstruction of dorsovelars and labiovelars[Lehmann 1952], which is usually ignored in common textbooks in favour of the older reconstruction of a third series of palatovelars (Bomhard 2015); but also Martinet’s glottalic consonants[Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1995].

The developments of Proto-Finno-Ugric *ō, *ē - → Proto-Ugric *a, *ä – merging with original *a, *ä –[Häkkinen 2009] could be related to the phonetic changes found between Late Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Iranian, i.e. *e/o → *a, *ē/ō→*ā. That would suggest that the easternmost part of the domain, including probably the Abashevo-Balanovo cultures, spoke Proto-Ugric or a related Finno-Ugric language, at roughly the same time as the assimilation of the (Pre-Indo-Iranian-speaking) Poltavka population happened within the Sintashta and Potapovka cultures, ca. 2100 BC.

Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian share a special position among Indo-European languages regarding their rather conservative nominal case system. It has been argued that languages with more second language speakers lose nominal cases[Bentz et al. 2015]. It has also been shown that forces driving grammatical change are different (stronger) than those driving lexical change[Greenhill et al. 2017]. These natural human trends would explain the higher simplification of the declension system in Late Indo-European dialects of west and south-east Europe, compared with the conservation of the original system by speakers of Uralic dialects, known for their large set of grammatical cases. At the same time, the greater stability of lexicon would support the close relationship of European languages of the North-West Indo-European group.

On the other hand, this could also give support to the theory that Late Proto-Indo-European had in fact a simpler nominal system, derived from a still simpler one of Middle Proto-Indo-European[Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2016]. In this case, Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic morphological differences would be later innovations. However, that would need an explanation as to how Uralic speakers adopting Late Proto-Indo-European added complexity to the language, instead of simplifying it.

== Germanic and Balto-Slavic ==

A western Corded Ware substratum could also be argued to be the origin of certain common isoglosses found between Germanic and Balto-Slavic.

According to Kortlandt[2016], the similarities between both dialects must be due to a common Indo-European substrate, since there is no reason to assume early contacts between Germanic and Balto-Slavic. In terms of the “Temematic hypothesis”, which favours a satem or Indo-Slavonic group, Germanic and Temematic would share common western Corded Ware isoglosses, and only later would Proto-Balto-Slavic – already separated from Proto-Indo-Iranian – absorb Temematic as a substratum language.

On the other hand, the expansion of East Bell Beaker peoples must have happened in different waves: one to the east, through Moravian and Bohemian groups into Polish lands and north European lowlands; and one to the west, including Middle Elbe/Saale and Dutch groups, which later migrated into southern Scandinavia, maybe absorbing some common linguistic traits in their north-eastern migration through the European lowlands.

Especially important is the peculiar dative plural in *-m- shared by Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which can’t be explained by late influences. Because of that, Kortlandt[2016] has argued that LIE dative plural *-mus must have been replaced by the ablative ending *-bhos in Italo-Celtic and Indo-Iranian (where *-bhi̯os may reflect the attachment of *-os to the instrumental forms in *-bhi-). Nevertheless, on one hand there is a general consensus that the original form behind Sla. *-mъ and O.Lith. -mus (maybe influenced by Old Prussian) must have come from a dative-ablative plural *-mos (cf. PGmc *-maz), and not from *-mus as suggested by Georgiev[1966] and Kortlandt[Halla-aho 2006]. Similarly, the common instrumental in *-mi- behind Germanic and Balto-Slavic forms contrasts with the rest of the Late Indo-European domain, which shows *-bhi-.

The Uralic declension system of genitive in *-n, locative in *-n- (with three-way systems in later periods), as well as the lative in -ŋ, may have influenced the change of dative-ablative and instrumental forms in *-bʰ- → *-m-. Judging from samples of potential Indo-Uralic cognates, the correspondence between Proto-Indo-European and Uralic forms has been tentatively reconstructed by Kroonen[2015] as follows: PIE *d – PU *n; PIE *bʰ – PU *ŋi; PIE gʰ – PU *ŋ; PIE *gʰʷ – PU *uŋ. Interesting in this respect may also be the Livonian dative in -n, only partially stemming from the Uralic genitive in *-n, and which has strong links to the Latvian dative in *-m-[Seržant 2015].

It could then be hypothesised that North-West Indo-European had the old dative-ablative and instrumental forms in *-bʰ- during the initial migration of East Bell Beaker groups into Corded Ware territories of the northern lowlands. There, the declension system would have undergone a slight phonetic change (adapted to the somehow similar Uralic case system), e.g. ins. sg. *-bʰi → *-ŋi, ins. pl. *-bʰis → *-ŋis, and (maybe by assimilation with the other two forms) dat.-abl. pl. *-bʰos →*-ŋos. Such a change would obviously need an additional, ad hoc explanation for the change *-ŋ- to the reconstructed common *-m-. An explanation may be found in the lack of the phoneme /ŋ/ in the definitive phonetic system adopted, thus compelling for the eventual adoption by the next generations of speakers of a different phoneme, /m/, already present in the declension system (in the accusative singular ending), and – in contrast with /n/ – without the possibility of confounding these forms with the accusative plural in *-ns. This (now fully Indo-European) substrate language of north-central European Bell Beakers would have later influenced western groups during their migration into Scandinavia through the northern lowlands, and they would have remained as a part of the eastern Bell Beaker groups that later formed the Únětice and the Iwno-Mierzanowice cultures.

Witness to this intermediate substrate may also be the common forms of Indo-European origin found in Germanic and Baltic, and to some extent in Slavic, limited to social phenomena and especially to technical terms for wooden tools and utensils[Kortlandt 2016].

The same substrate could be argued to be behind certain traits common to Germanic, Balto-Slavic, Uralic, and other Eurasian languages[Klesment et al. 2003] – although many are constrained to Balto-Slavic and Uralic, which probably developed late in neighbouring territories.

The Germanic passive ending in *-i, in contrast with the original PIE ending in *-r-, may also be related to a common loss of the middle-passive endings in both Germanic and Balto-Slavic (or in the substrate language). It would have then been remade later with the common primary ending *-i, during the development of a Germanic community in Scandinavia after the Dagger Period, and only traces of the ending *-r with an impersonal value are left in Germanic.

Supporting the presence of an intermediate Indo-European substrate before the formation of a Pre-Germanic community would be the lack of a strong phonetic influence from Uralic, as found in Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic. Its development in Scandinavia during the unification represented by the Dagger Period must have been influenced by different regional cultures.

== Common traits and other substrate hypotheses ==

Common traits between Germanic, Balto-Slavic, and Indo-Iranian, not coincident with other Indo-European branches, are quite difficult to find. After all, any Uralic traits common to the three branches may be related to an original Indo-Uralic community.

One such example is found in the reconstructed IE *manu-, ‘man’, cf. O. Ind. mánu-, Avestan Manuš-čiɵra-, Gmc. *mann-, Sla. *mǭ̀žь (< **mon-gio-?, with suffix similar to Lith. žmo-g-ùs, ‘man’). It has its parallel in PU *mańć-, ‘man’, cf. Hu. magyar, Finn. mies, Khanty mańt́, Mansi mäńćī. Its connection with an Indo-Uralic word may be made through a potential PToch *mänśu-, ‘prince’, as reconstructed by Adams, although this etymology (from Toch. A mäśkit, B mäñcuṣke) is dubious at best, and such a frozen use could have been influenced by the Indo-Iranian expansion in the region. The natural use of the word ‘man’ to describe an ethnic group would place it in a good position to survive in superstrate languages replacing the Uralic languages of cultures remaining in close contact with Uralic-speaking peoples. The lack of such an essential word – also strongly connected to basic mythological cosmology – in the other attested Indo-European dialects is difficult to justify.

Many of the Indo-Iranian substrate words and word forms described by Lubotsky[2001], most of them probably of non-Indo-European origin, may have been in fact of Uralic origin: “as is well known, Uralic has heavily borrowed from Indo-Iranian, but I agree with those scholars who believe that many of the apparent early borrowings rather reflect an etymological relationship between Uralic and Indo-European”.

Kroonen’s agricultural substrate hypothesis relates the substrate vocabulary and noun inflection traits to a Middle Eastern language, potentially related to Proto-Semitic[Kroonen 2012], which he has only recently related to the adoption of the language of the Funnelbeaker culture in Scandinavia[Iversen and Kroonen 2017], presupposing that Corded Ware peoples spoke Indo-European dialects. However, the same substrate could be argued to have influenced the third Corded Ware horizon, from the interaction of Balkan and steppe communities in the north-west Pontic steppe, since it is known that there is a strong genetic and cultural (and thus probably linguistic) connection of Balkan Chalcolithic cultures to Neolithic Anatolian farmers.

This is compatible with the idea that no words for domesticated animals can be reconstructed for Proto-Uralic, safe for dog[Pereltsvaig and Lewis 2015]. Hence peoples from the western steppe (mainly late Sredni Stog and Kvitjana cultures) might have borrowed them during the formation of the Third Corded Ware Horizon (through the influence of Trypillian, GAC, and Baden cultures), and they would have expanded with initial migration to the north-west.

That substrate, common to the western Uralic dialects spoken by Corded Ware groups across northern Europe, would have then been assimilated to different degrees by both Pre-Germanic and Balto-Slavic communities absorbing Corded Ware groups – and even Pre-Greek communities because of contacts in the Balkans –, as the examples in Kroonen[2012] show.

== References ==

* [*Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2016] Adrados, F.R., A. Bernabé, and J. Mendoza. 2016. Manual of Indo-European Linguistics II: Nominal and Verbal Morphology. Edited by P. Swiggers. 3 vols. Vol. 2, Orbis Supplementa. Leuven: Peeters.

* [*Bentz et al. 2015] Bentz, Christian, Annemarie Verkerk, Douwe Kiela, Felix Hill, and Paula Buttery. 2015. Adaptive Communication: Languages with More Non-Native Speakers Tend to Have Fewer Word Forms. PLOS ONE 10 (6):e0128254.

* [*Bomhard 2015] Bomhard, Alan R. 2015. A Comprehensive Introduction to Nostratic Comparative Linguistics. With special reference to Indo-European. Second revised, corrected and expanded edition (as of May 2017) ed. 4 vols. Vol. 1. Charleston, SC.

* [*Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1995] Gamkrelidze, T. V., and V. V. Ivanov. 1995. Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans: A Reconstruction and Historical Analysis of a Proto-Language and Proto-Culture. Part I: The Structure of Proto-Indo-European. Part II: Semantic Dictionary of Proto-Indo-European Language. Vol. 80. Walter de Gruyter, 1995. Edited by W. Winter. Vol. 80. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

* [*Georgiev 1966] Georgiev, Vladimir Ivanov. 1966. Introduzione alla storia delle lingue indeuropee. Vol. 9: Ed. dell'Ateneo.

* [*Greenhill et al. 2017] Greenhill, Simon J., Chieh-Hsi Wu, Xia Hua, Michael Dunn, Stephen C. Levinson, and Russell D. Gray. 2017. Evolutionary dynamics of language systems. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114 (42):E8822-E8829.

* [*Häkkinen 2009] Häkkinen, Jaakko. 2009. Kantauralin ajoitus ja paikannus: perustelut puntarissa. SUSA/JSFOu 92:9-56.

* [*Halla-aho 2006] Halla-aho, Jussi. 2006. Problems of Proto-Slavic Historical Nominal Morphology On the Basis of Old Church Slavic, Faculty of Arts, University of Helsinki, Helsinki.

* [*Iversen and Kroonen 2017] Iversen, Rune, and Guus Kroonen. 2017. Talking Neolithic: Linguistic and Archaeological Perspectives on How Indo-European Was Implemented in Southern Scandinavia. American Journal of Archaeology 121 (4):511-525.

* [*Kallio 2002] Kallio, Petri. 2002. Prehistoric Contacts between Indo-European and Uralic. In Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, edited by K. Jones-Bley, M. E. Huld, A. D. Volpe and M. R. Dexter. Washington, DC: Institute for the Study of Man.

* [*Klesment et al. 2003] Klesment, Piret , Ago Künnap, Sven-Erik Soosaar, and Rein Taagepera. 2003. Common Phonetic and Grammatical Features of the Uralic Languages and Other Languages in Northern Eurasia. JIES 31 (3 & 4):1-27.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Some Indo-Uralic Aspects of Hittite. JIES 36 (1 & 2).

* [*Kortlandt 2002] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2002. The Indo-Uralic verb. In Finno-Ugrians and Indo-Europeans: Linguistic and literary contacts. Maastricht: Shaker.

* [*2016]
* [*Kortlandt 2016] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2016. Baltic, Slavic, Germanic. Baltistica 51 (1):81-86.

* [*2012]
* [*Kroonen 2012] Kroonen, Guus. 2012. Non-Indo-European root nouns in Germanic: Evidence in support of the Agricultural Substrate Hypothesis. In A Linguistic Map of Prehistoric Northern Europe, edited by R. Grünthal and P. Kallio. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seura.

* [*2015] Kroonen, Guus. 2015. Indo-Uralic lookalike sets, an etymological quick scan. In The Precursors of Proto-Indo-European: The Indo-Hittite and Indo-Uralic Hypotheses. Leiden University, 9-11 July 2015.

* [*Lehmann 1952] Lehmann, W. P. 1952. Proto-Indo-European Phonology. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

* [*2001] Lubotsky, Alexander. 2001. Early Contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: Linguistic and Archaeological Considerations. Paper read at Papers presented at an international symposium held at the Tvärminne Research Station of the University of Helsinki 8-10 January 1999. (Mémoires de la Société Finno-ougrienne 242.), at Helsinki.

* [*Mallory and Adams 2007] Mallory, J., and D.Q. Adams. 2007. Reconstructing the Proto-Indo-Europeans. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Parpola 2012] Parpola, Asko. 2012. The problem of Samoyed origins in the light of archaeology: On the formation and dispersal of East Uralic (Proto-Ugro-Samoyed). Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne (264).

* [*Pereltsvaig and Lewis 2015] Pereltsvaig, Asya, and Martin W. Lewis. 2015. The Indo-European Controversy. Facts and Fallacies in Historical Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 3rd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*Seržant 2015] Seržant, A. 2015. Dative experiencer constructions as a Circum-Baltic isogloss. In Contemporary Approaches to Baltic Linguistics, edited by P. Arkadiev, A. Holvoet and B. Wiemer. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter.

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Three series of velars

2017-10-31T11:00:45Z

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Those who support the model of the threefold distinction in PIE cite evidence from Albanian[Pedersen 1900] and Armenian[Pisani 1948], that they seem to treat plain velars differently from the labiovelars in at least some circumstances, as well as the fact that Luwian could have had distinct reflexes of all three series.

It is disputed whether Albanian shows remains of two or three series[Ölberg 1976][Kortlandt 1980][Pänzer 1982], although the fact that only the worst and one of the most recently attested (and neither isolated nor remote) IE dialect could be the only one to show some remains of the oldest phonetic system is indeed very unlikely. Clackson[2007], supporting the three series: “Albanian and Armenian are sometimes brought forward as examples of the maintenance of three separate dorsal series. However, Albanian and Armenian are both satem languages, and, since the *kj series has been palatalised in both, the existence of three separate series need not disprove the two-dorsal theory for PIE; they might merely show a failure to merge the unpalatalised velars with the original labio-velars.”

Supporters of the palatovelars cite evidence from Luwian, an Anatolian language, which supposedly shows a three-way velar distinction *kj → z (probably [ts]); *k → k; *kʷ → ku (probably [kʷ]), as defended by Melchert[1987]. So, the strongest argument in favour of the traditional three-way system is that the distinction supposedly derived from Luwian findings must be reconstructed for the parent Indo-Hittite language. However, the underlying evidence “hinges upon especially difficult or vague or otherwise dubious etymologies”[Sihler 1995]; and, even if those findings are supported by other evidence in the future, it is obvious that Luwian might also have been in contact with satemisation trends of other Late Indo-European dialects, that it might have developed its own satemisation trend, or that maybe the whole system was remade within the Anatolian branch, which is still poorly understood.

Also, one of the most difficult problems which subsists in the interpretation of the satemisation as a phonetic wave is that, even though in most cases the variation *kj/k may be attributed either to a phonetic environment or to the analogy of alternating apophonic forms, there are some cases in which neither one nor the other may be applied, i.e. it is possible to find words with velars in the same environments as words with palatals.

Compare for example *okjtō(u), eight, which presents *k before an occlusive in a form which shows no change – to suppose a syncope of an older **okjitō, as does Szemerényi, is an ad hoc explanation. Other examples in which the palatalisation cannot be explained by the next phoneme nor by analogy are *su̯ekru- ‘husband’s mother’, *akmōn ‘stone’, *peku ‘cattle’, which are among those not shared by all satem languages.

Such unexplained exceptions, however, are not sufficient to consider the existence of a third row of ‘later palatalised’ velars[Bernabé 1971][Chen and Wang 1975], although there are still scholars who come back to the support of the hypothesis of three velars. So e.g. Tischler[1990], reviewed by Meier-Brügger[2003]: “The centum-satem isogloss is not to be equated with a division of Indo-European, but rather represents simply one isogloss among many…examples of ‘centum-like aspects’ in satem languages and of ‘satem-like aspects’ in centum languages that may be evaluated as relics of the original three-part plosive system, which otherwise was reduced every-where to a two-part system.”

Newer trends to support the old assumptions include e.g. Huld[1997], in which the old palatal *kj is reconstructed as a true velar, and *k as a uvular stop, so that the problem of the a priori unlikely and unparallelled merger of palatal with velar in centum languages is theoretically solved.

== References ==

* [*Bernabé 1971] Bernabé, A. 1971. Aportaciones al estudio fonologico de las guturales indoeuropeas. Emerita 39:63.

* [*Chen and Wang 1975] Chen, Matthew Y., and William SY. Wang. 1975. Sound change: actuation and implementation. Language:255-281.

* [*2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*1997] Huld, Martin E. 1997. Satəm, Centum, and Hokum. Festschrift for Eric P. Hamp 1:115-138.

* [*Kortlandt 1980] Kortlandt, Frederik. 1980. H2o and oH2. Lingua Posnaniensis 23:127-128.

* [*2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*1987] Melchert, H. Craig. 1987. Reflexes of *h3 in Anatolian. Die Sprache 33 (12):19.

* [*Ölberg 1976] Ölberg, Hermann M. 1976. Zwei oder drei Gutturaldreihen? Vom Albanischen aus gesehen. In Scritti in onore di Giuliano Bonfante. Brescia: Paideia.

* [*Pänzer 1982] Pänzer, Baldur. 1982. Ist das Französische eine Satem-Sprache? Zu den Palatalisierung im Ur-Indogermanischen und in den indogermanischen Einzelsprachen, Festschrift für J. Hübschmidt. Bema-Munich.

* [*Pedersen 1900] Pedersen, Holger. 1900. Die gutturale im Albanesischen. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der Indogermanischen Sprachen 36 (3):277-340.

* [*Pisani 1948] Pisani, Vittore. 1948. La palatalizzazione armena.

* [*Sihler 1995] Sihler, Andrew L. 1995. New comparative grammar of Greek and Latin. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*1990] Tischler, Johann. 1990. Hundert Jahre" kentum-satem" Theorie. Indogermanische Forschungen 95:63.

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Three series of velars

2017-10-31T10:58:55Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> Those who support the model of the threefold distinction in PIE cite evidence from Albanian[Pederse..."

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Those who support the model of the threefold distinction in PIE cite evidence from Albanian[Pedersen 1900] and Armenian[Pisani 1948], that they seem to treat plain velars differently from the labiovelars in at least some circumstances, as well as the fact that Luwian could have had distinct reflexes of all three series.

It is disputed whether Albanian shows remains of two or three series[Ölberg 1976][Kortlandt 1980][Pänzer 1982], although the fact that only the worst and one of the most recently attested (and neither isolated nor remote) IE dialect could be the only one to show some remains of the oldest phonetic system is indeed very unlikely. Clackson[2007], supporting the three series: “Albanian and Armenian are sometimes brought forward as examples of the maintenance of three separate dorsal series. However, Albanian and Armenian are both satem languages, and, since the *kj series has been palatalised in both, the existence of three separate series need not disprove the two-dorsal theory for PIE; they might merely show a failure to merge the unpalatalised velars with the original labio-velars.”

Supporters of the palatovelars cite evidence from Luwian, an Anatolian language, which supposedly shows a three-way velar distinction *kj → z (probably [ts]); *k → k; *kʷ → ku (probably [kʷ]), as defended by Melchert[1987]. So, the strongest argument in favour of the traditional three-way system is that the distinction supposedly derived from Luwian findings must be reconstructed for the parent Indo-Hittite language. However, the underlying evidence “hinges upon especially difficult or vague or otherwise dubious etymologies”[Sihler 1995]; and, even if those findings are supported by other evidence in the future, it is obvious that Luwian might also have been in contact with satemisation trends of other Late Indo-European dialects, that it might have developed its own satemisation trend, or that maybe the whole system was remade within the Anatolian branch, which is still poorly understood.

Also, one of the most difficult problems which subsists in the interpretation of the satemisation as a phonetic wave is that, even though in most cases the variation *kj/k may be attributed either to a phonetic environment or to the analogy of alternating apophonic forms, there are some cases in which neither one nor the other may be applied, i.e. it is possible to find words with velars in the same environments as words with palatals.

Compare for example *okjtō(u), eight, which presents *k before an occlusive in a form which shows no change – to suppose a syncope of an older **okjitō, as does Szemerényi, is an ad hoc explanation. Other examples in which the palatalisation cannot be explained by the next phoneme nor by analogy are *su̯ekru- ‘husband’s mother’, *akmōn ‘stone’, *peku ‘cattle’, which are among those not shared by all satem languages.

Such unexplained exceptions, however, are not sufficient to consider the existence of a third row of ‘later palatalised’ velars[Bernabé 1971][Chen and Wang 1975], although there are still scholars who come back to the support of the hypothesis of three velars. So e.g. Tischler[1990], reviewed by Meier-Brügger[2003]: “The centum-satem isogloss is not to be equated with a division of Indo-European, but rather represents simply one isogloss among many…examples of ‘centum-like aspects’ in satem languages and of ‘satem-like aspects’ in centum languages that may be evaluated as relics of the original three-part plosive system, which otherwise was reduced every-where to a two-part system.”

Newer trends to support the old assumptions include e.g. Huld[1997], in which the old palatal *kj is reconstructed as a true velar, and *k as a uvular stop, so that the problem of the a priori unlikely and unparallelled merger of palatal with velar in centum languages is theoretically solved.

== References ==

* [*Bernabé 1971] Bernabé, A. 1971. Aportaciones al estudio fonologico de las guturales indoeuropeas. Emerita 39:63.

* [*Chen and Wang 1975] Chen, Matthew Y., and William SY. Wang. 1975. Sound change: actuation and implementation. Language:255-281.

* [*1997] Huld, Martin E. 1997. Satəm, Centum, and Hokum. Festschrift for Eric P. Hamp 1:115-138.

* [*Kortlandt 1980] Kortlandt, Frederik. 1980. H2o and oH2. Lingua Posnaniensis 23:127-128.

* [*2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*1987] Melchert, H. Craig. 1987. Reflexes of *h3 in Anatolian. Die Sprache 33 (12):19.

* [*Ölberg 1976] Ölberg, Hermann M. 1976. Zwei oder drei Gutturaldreihen? Vom Albanischen aus gesehen. In Scritti in onore di Giuliano Bonfante. Brescia: Paideia.

* [*Pänzer 1982] Pänzer, Baldur. 1982. Ist das Französische eine Satem-Sprache? Zu den Palatalisierung im Ur-Indogermanischen und in den indogermanischen Einzelsprachen, Festschrift für J. Hübschmidt. Bema-Munich.

* [*Pedersen 1900] Pedersen, Holger. 1900. Die gutturale im Albanesischen. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der Indogermanischen Sprachen 36 (3):277-340.

* [*Pisani 1948] Pisani, Vittore. 1948. La palatalizzazione armena.

* [*Sihler 1995] Sihler, Andrew L. 1995. New comparative grammar of Greek and Latin. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*1990] Tischler, Johann. 1990. Hundert Jahre" kentum-satem" Theorie. Indogermanische Forschungen 95:63.

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Two series of velars

2017-10-31T10:53:57Z

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Arguments in favour of only two series of velars include:

== Allophones ==

In most circumstances palatovelars appear to be allophones resulting from the neutralisation of the other two series in particular phonetic circumstances. Their dialectal articulation was probably constrained, either to an especial phonetic environment (such as the Romance evolution of Latin k before e and i), or to the analogy of alternating phonetic forms.

However, it is difficult to pinpoint exactly what the circumstances of the allophony are, although it is generally accepted that neutralisation occurred after *s and *u, and often before *r or *a; also apparently before *m and *n in some Baltic dialects.

The original allophonic distinction was disturbed when labiovelars were merged with plain velars. This produced a new phonemic distinction between palatal and plain velars, with an unpredictable alternation between palatal and plain velars in related forms of some roots (those originally with plain velars) but not others (those originally with labiovelars). Subsequent analogical processes generalised either the plain or palatal consonant in all forms of a particular root. Those roots where the plain consonant was generalised are those traditionally reconstructed as having plain velars in the parent language, in contrast to palatovelars.

== Complementary distribution ==

The reconstructed palatovelars and plain velars appear mostly in complementary distributions, what supports their explanation as allophones of the same phonemes. Meillet[1902] established the contexts in which there are only velars: before *a, *r, and after *s, *u; while Georgiev[1966] clarified that the palatalisation of velars had happened before *e, *i, *i̯, and before liquid or nasal or *u̯ + e, i, offering statistical data supporting his conclusions. The presence of palatalised velar before o is then produced because of analogy with roots in which (due to the ablaut) the velar phoneme is found before e and o, so the alternation *kje/*ko would have been levelled to *kje/*kjo.

== Labiovelars in satem dialects ==

There is residual evidence of various sorts in satem languages of a former distinction between velar and labiovelar consonants:

*In Sanskrit and Balto-Slavic, in some environments, resonants become *iR after plain velars but *uR after labiovelars.

*In Armenian, some linguists assert that *kʷ is distinguishable from *k before front vowels.

*In Albanian, some linguists assert that *kʷ and *gʷ are distinguishable from *k and *g before front vowels.

This evidence shows that the labiovelar series was distinct from the plain velar series in Late Indo-European, and could not have been a secondary development in the centum languages. However, it says nothing about the palatovelar vs. plain velar series. When this debate initially arose, the concept of a phoneme and its historical emergence was not clearly understood, however, and as a result it was often claimed (and sometimes is still claimed) that evidence of three-way velar distinction in the history of a particular Indo-European language indicates that this distinction must be reconstructed for the parent language. This is theoretically unsound, as it overlooks the possibility of a secondary origin for the distinction.

== Natural evolution ==

The palatovelar hypothesis would support an evolution *kj → *k of centum dialects, i.e. a move of palatovelars to back consonants, which is clearly against the general tendency of velars to move forward its articulation and palatalise in these environments. A trend of this kind is unparallelled and therefore typologically a priori unlikely (although not impossible), and needs that other assumptions be made.

== Statistics of velars ==

The plain velar series is statistically rarer than the other two in a PIE lexicon reconstructed with three series; it appears in words entirely absent from affixes, and most of them are of a phonetic shape that could have inhibited palatalisation.
Common examples include:

*i̯ug-óm ‘yoke’, cf. Hitt. iukan, Gk. zdugón, Skt. yugá-, Lat. iugum, O.C.S. igo, Goth. juk.

*gʰosti- ‘guest, stranger’, cf. Lat. hostis, Goth. gasts, O.C.S. gostĭ.

According to Clackson[2007], “The paradigm of the word for ‘yoke’ could have shown a palatalizing environment only in the vocative *yug-e, which is unlikely ever to have been in common usage, and the word for ‘stranger’ ghosti- only ever appears with the vocalism o.”

== Differences among satem dialects ==

Alternations between plain velars and palatals are common in a number of roots across different satem languages, where the same root appears with a palatal in some languages but a plain velar in others.
This is consistent with the analogical generalisation of one or another consonant in an originally alternating paradigm, but difficult to explain otherwise:

*ak-/ok- ‘sharp’, cf. Lith. akúotas, O.C.S. ostrŭ, O.Ind. asrís, Arm. aseln, but Lith. asrùs.

*akmon- ‘stone’, cf. Lith. akmuõ, O.C.S. kamy, O.Ind. áśma, but Lith. âsmens.

*keu- ‘shine’, cf. Lith. kiáune, Russ. kuna, O.Ind. svas, Arm. sukh.

*bʰleg- ‘shine’, cf. O.Ind. bhárgas, Lith. balgans, O.C.S. blagŭ, but Ltv. blâzt.

*gʰerdʰ- ‘enclose’, O.Ind. gṛhá, Av. gərəda, Lith. gardas, O.C.S. gradu, Lith. zardas, Ltv. zârdas.

*su̯ekros ‘father-in-law’, cf. O.Sla. svekry, O.Ind. śvaśru.

*peku- ‘stock animal’; cf. O.Lith. pẽkus, Skt. paśu-, Av. pasu-.

*kleus- ‘hear’; cf. Skt. śrus, O.C.S. slušatĭ, Lith. kláusiu.

It could be argued, as does Clackson[2007], that “such forms could be taken to reflect the fact that Baltic is geographically peripheral to the satem languages and consequently did not participate in the palatalization to the same degree as other languages.”

== Alternation ==

There are different pairs of satemised and non-satemised velars found within the same language.

The old argument proposed by Brugmann (and later copied by many dictionaries) about “centum loans” is not tenable today. For more on this, see Szemerényi[1978] Mayrhofer[1952], or Bernabé[1971]. Examples include:

*selg-, ‘throw’, cf. O.Ind. sṛjáti, sargas

*kau/keu-, ‘shout’, cf. Lith. kaukti, O.C.S. kujati, Russ. sova (as Gk. kauax); O.Ind. kauti, suka-.

*kleu-, ‘hear’, Lith. klausýti, slove, O.C.S. slovo; O.Ind. karnas, sruti, srósati, śrnóti, sravas.

*leuk-, ‘light’, O.Ind. rokás, ruśant-.

== Number of satemisation trends ==

The number and periods of satemisation trends reconstructed for the different branches are not coincident.

Thus, Old Indian shows two stages:

1. PIE *k → O.Ind. s.

2. PIE *kʷe, *kʷi → O.Ind. ke, ki; PIE *ske, *ski → O.Ind. c (cf. cim, candra, etc.).

In Slavic, three stages are found:

1. PIE *k→s

2. PIE *kʷe, *kʷi→*č (*čto, *čelobek)

3. PIE *kʷoi→*koi→*ke gives *ts (as Sla. *tsená)

== Generalised palatalisation trend ==

In most attested languages which present aspirates as a result of the so-called palatovelars, the palatalisation of other phonemes is also attested (e.g. palatalisation of labiovelars before e, i), which may indicate that there is an old trend to palatalise all possible sounds, of which the palatalisation of velars is the oldest attested result.

It is generally believed that satemisation could have started as a late dialectal ‘wave’, which eventually affected almost all PIE dialectal groups. The origin is probably to be found in velars followed by e, i, even though alternating forms like *gen/gon caused natural analogical corrections within each dialect, which obscures still more the original situation. Thus, non-satemised forms in so-called satem languages would be non-satemised remains of the original situation, just as Spanish has feliz and not ˟heliz, or fácil and not ˟hácil, or French facile and nature, and not ˟fêle or ˟nûre as one should expect from its phonetic evolution.

== Palatalisation not defined by dialectal branch or territory ==

The existence of satem languages like Armenian – related to Greek, a centum one –, or Balto-Slavic, a North-West Indo-European language, as well as the presence of Tocharian, a centum dialect, in Central Asia – a satem territory –, and Albanian, a satem language in the Balkans, a centum territory.

The traditional explanation of a three-way dorsal split requires that all centum languages share a common innovation that eliminated the palatovelar series, due to the a priori unlikely move of palatovelars to back consonants (see above). Unlike for the satem languages, however, there is no evidence of any areal connection among the centum languages, and in fact there is evidence against such a connection – the centum languages are geographically non-contiguous.

Furthermore, if such an areal innovation happened, we would expect to see some dialect differences in its implementation (cf. the above differences between Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian), and residual evidence of a distinct palatalised series. In fact, however, neither type of evidence exists, suggesting that there was never a palatovelar series in the centum languages. Evidence does however exist for a distinct labiovelar series in the satem languages (see above.)

== Prevalence of velar systems ==

A system of two gutturals, velars and labiovelars, is a linguistic anomaly, isolated in the Indo-European occlusive subsystem – there are no parallel oppositions bʷ-b, pʷ-p, tʷ-t, dʷ-d, etc. Only one feature, their pronunciation with an accompanying rounding of the lips, helps distinguish them from each other. Such a system has been attested in some ancient Indo-European languages. A system of three gutturals – palatovelars, velars and labiovelars –, with a threefold distinction isolated in the occlusive system, is still less likely.

In the two-dorsal system, labiovelars turn into velars before *-u, and there are some neutralisation positions which help identify labiovelars and velars. Also, in some contexts (e.g. before *-i, *-e) velars tend to move forward its articulation and eventually palatalise. Both trends led eventually to centum and satem dialectalisation.

== References ==

* [*1971] Bernabé, A. 1971. Aportaciones al estudio fonologico de las guturales indoeuropeas. Emerita 39:63.

* [*2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*1966] Georgiev, Vladimir Ivanov. 1966. Introduzione alla storia delle lingue indeuropee. Vol. 9: Ed. dell'Ateneo.

* [*1952] Mayrhofer, Manfred. 1952. Das Gutturalproblem und das idg. Wort für “Hase”. Studien zur idg. Grundsprache (= Arbeiten aus dem Inst. f. allg. u. vgl. Sprach-wissenschaft) 4 (27).

* [*1902] Meillet, Antoine. 1902. Introduction à l'étude comparative des langues indo-européennes. Paris: Hachette.

* [*1978] Szemerényi, Oswald J.L. 1978. Studies in the kinship terminology of the IE languages. Acta Iranica 16:1-240.

<HarvardReferences />

Two series of velars

2017-10-31T10:53:41Z

Admin: Created page with "Arguments in favour of only two series of velars include: == Allophones == In most circumstances palatovelars appear to be allophones resulting from the neutralisation of th..."

Arguments in favour of only two series of velars include:

== Allophones ==

In most circumstances palatovelars appear to be allophones resulting from the neutralisation of the other two series in particular phonetic circumstances. Their dialectal articulation was probably constrained, either to an especial phonetic environment (such as the Romance evolution of Latin k before e and i), or to the analogy of alternating phonetic forms.

However, it is difficult to pinpoint exactly what the circumstances of the allophony are, although it is generally accepted that neutralisation occurred after *s and *u, and often before *r or *a; also apparently before *m and *n in some Baltic dialects.

The original allophonic distinction was disturbed when labiovelars were merged with plain velars. This produced a new phonemic distinction between palatal and plain velars, with an unpredictable alternation between palatal and plain velars in related forms of some roots (those originally with plain velars) but not others (those originally with labiovelars). Subsequent analogical processes generalised either the plain or palatal consonant in all forms of a particular root. Those roots where the plain consonant was generalised are those traditionally reconstructed as having plain velars in the parent language, in contrast to palatovelars.

== Complementary distribution ==

The reconstructed palatovelars and plain velars appear mostly in complementary distributions, what supports their explanation as allophones of the same phonemes. Meillet[1902] established the contexts in which there are only velars: before *a, *r, and after *s, *u; while Georgiev[1966] clarified that the palatalisation of velars had happened before *e, *i, *i̯, and before liquid or nasal or *u̯ + e, i, offering statistical data supporting his conclusions. The presence of palatalised velar before o is then produced because of analogy with roots in which (due to the ablaut) the velar phoneme is found before e and o, so the alternation *kje/*ko would have been levelled to *kje/*kjo.

== Labiovelars in satem dialects ==

There is residual evidence of various sorts in satem languages of a former distinction between velar and labiovelar consonants:

*In Sanskrit and Balto-Slavic, in some environments, resonants become *iR after plain velars but *uR after labiovelars.

*In Armenian, some linguists assert that *kʷ is distinguishable from *k before front vowels.

*In Albanian, some linguists assert that *kʷ and *gʷ are distinguishable from *k and *g before front vowels.

This evidence shows that the labiovelar series was distinct from the plain velar series in Late Indo-European, and could not have been a secondary development in the centum languages. However, it says nothing about the palatovelar vs. plain velar series. When this debate initially arose, the concept of a phoneme and its historical emergence was not clearly understood, however, and as a result it was often claimed (and sometimes is still claimed) that evidence of three-way velar distinction in the history of a particular Indo-European language indicates that this distinction must be reconstructed for the parent language. This is theoretically unsound, as it overlooks the possibility of a secondary origin for the distinction.

== Natural evolution ==

The palatovelar hypothesis would support an evolution *kj → *k of centum dialects, i.e. a move of palatovelars to back consonants, which is clearly against the general tendency of velars to move forward its articulation and palatalise in these environments. A trend of this kind is unparallelled and therefore typologically a priori unlikely (although not impossible), and needs that other assumptions be made.

== Statistics of velars ==

The plain velar series is statistically rarer than the other two in a PIE lexicon reconstructed with three series; it appears in words entirely absent from affixes, and most of them are of a phonetic shape that could have inhibited palatalisation.
Common examples include:

*i̯ug-óm ‘yoke’, cf. Hitt. iukan, Gk. zdugón, Skt. yugá-, Lat. iugum, O.C.S. igo, Goth. juk.

*gʰosti- ‘guest, stranger’, cf. Lat. hostis, Goth. gasts, O.C.S. gostĭ.

According to Clackson[2007], “The paradigm of the word for ‘yoke’ could have shown a palatalizing environment only in the vocative *yug-e, which is unlikely ever to have been in common usage, and the word for ‘stranger’ ghosti- only ever appears with the vocalism o.”

== Differences among satem dialects ==

Alternations between plain velars and palatals are common in a number of roots across different satem languages, where the same root appears with a palatal in some languages but a plain velar in others.
This is consistent with the analogical generalisation of one or another consonant in an originally alternating paradigm, but difficult to explain otherwise:

*ak-/ok- ‘sharp’, cf. Lith. akúotas, O.C.S. ostrŭ, O.Ind. asrís, Arm. aseln, but Lith. asrùs.

*akmon- ‘stone’, cf. Lith. akmuõ, O.C.S. kamy, O.Ind. áśma, but Lith. âsmens.

*keu- ‘shine’, cf. Lith. kiáune, Russ. kuna, O.Ind. svas, Arm. sukh.

*bʰleg- ‘shine’, cf. O.Ind. bhárgas, Lith. balgans, O.C.S. blagŭ, but Ltv. blâzt.

*gʰerdʰ- ‘enclose’, O.Ind. gṛhá, Av. gərəda, Lith. gardas, O.C.S. gradu, Lith. zardas, Ltv. zârdas.

*su̯ekros ‘father-in-law’, cf. O.Sla. svekry, O.Ind. śvaśru.

*peku- ‘stock animal’; cf. O.Lith. pẽkus, Skt. paśu-, Av. pasu-.

*kleus- ‘hear’; cf. Skt. śrus, O.C.S. slušatĭ, Lith. kláusiu.

It could be argued, as does Clackson[2007], that “such forms could be taken to reflect the fact that Baltic is geographically peripheral to the satem languages and consequently did not participate in the palatalization to the same degree as other languages.”

== Alternation ==

There are different pairs of satemised and non-satemised velars found within the same language.

The old argument proposed by Brugmann (and later copied by many dictionaries) about “centum loans” is not tenable today. For more on this, see Szemerényi[1978] Mayrhofer[1952], or Bernabé[1971]. Examples include:

*selg-, ‘throw’, cf. O.Ind. sṛjáti, sargas

*kau/keu-, ‘shout’, cf. Lith. kaukti, O.C.S. kujati, Russ. sova (as Gk. kauax); O.Ind. kauti, suka-.

*kleu-, ‘hear’, Lith. klausýti, slove, O.C.S. slovo; O.Ind. karnas, sruti, srósati, śrnóti, sravas.

*leuk-, ‘light’, O.Ind. rokás, ruśant-.

== Number of satemisation trends ==

The number and periods of satemisation trends reconstructed for the different branches are not coincident.

Thus, Old Indian shows two stages:

1. PIE *k → O.Ind. s.

2. PIE *kʷe, *kʷi → O.Ind. ke, ki; PIE *ske, *ski → O.Ind. c (cf. cim, candra, etc.).

In Slavic, three stages are found:

1. PIE *k→s

2. PIE *kʷe, *kʷi→*č (*čto, *čelobek)

3. PIE *kʷoi→*koi→*ke gives *ts (as Sla. *tsená)

== Generalised palatalisation trend ==

In most attested languages which present aspirates as a result of the so-called palatovelars, the palatalisation of other phonemes is also attested (e.g. palatalisation of labiovelars before e, i), which may indicate that there is an old trend to palatalise all possible sounds, of which the palatalisation of velars is the oldest attested result.

It is generally believed that satemisation could have started as a late dialectal ‘wave’, which eventually affected almost all PIE dialectal groups. The origin is probably to be found in velars followed by e, i, even though alternating forms like *gen/gon caused natural analogical corrections within each dialect, which obscures still more the original situation. Thus, non-satemised forms in so-called satem languages would be non-satemised remains of the original situation, just as Spanish has feliz and not ˟heliz, or fácil and not ˟hácil, or French facile and nature, and not ˟fêle or ˟nûre as one should expect from its phonetic evolution.

== Palatalisation not defined by dialectal branch or territory ==

The existence of satem languages like Armenian – related to Greek, a centum one –, or Balto-Slavic, a North-West Indo-European language, as well as the presence of Tocharian, a centum dialect, in Central Asia – a satem territory –, and Albanian, a satem language in the Balkans, a centum territory.

The traditional explanation of a three-way dorsal split requires that all centum languages share a common innovation that eliminated the palatovelar series, due to the a priori unlikely move of palatovelars to back consonants (see above). Unlike for the satem languages, however, there is no evidence of any areal connection among the centum languages, and in fact there is evidence against such a connection – the centum languages are geographically non-contiguous.

Furthermore, if such an areal innovation happened, we would expect to see some dialect differences in its implementation (cf. the above differences between Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian), and residual evidence of a distinct palatalised series. In fact, however, neither type of evidence exists, suggesting that there was never a palatovelar series in the centum languages. Evidence does however exist for a distinct labiovelar series in the satem languages (see above.)

== Prevalence of velar systems ==

A system of two gutturals, velars and labiovelars, is a linguistic anomaly, isolated in the Indo-European occlusive subsystem – there are no parallel oppositions bʷ-b, pʷ-p, tʷ-t, dʷ-d, etc. Only one feature, their pronunciation with an accompanying rounding of the lips, helps distinguish them from each other. Such a system has been attested in some ancient Indo-European languages. A system of three gutturals – palatovelars, velars and labiovelars –, with a threefold distinction isolated in the occlusive system, is still less likely.

In the two-dorsal system, labiovelars turn into velars before *-u, and there are some neutralisation positions which help identify labiovelars and velars. Also, in some contexts (e.g. before *-i, *-e) velars tend to move forward its articulation and eventually palatalise. Both trends led eventually to centum and satem dialectalisation.

== References ==

* [*1971] Bernabé, A. 1971. Aportaciones al estudio fonologico de las guturales indoeuropeas. Emerita 39:63.

* [*2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*1966] Georgiev, Vladimir Ivanov. 1966. Introduzione alla storia delle lingue indeuropee. Vol. 9: Ed. dell'Ateneo.

* [*1952] Mayrhofer, Manfred. 1952. Das Gutturalproblem und das idg. Wort für “Hase”. Studien zur idg. Grundsprache (= Arbeiten aus dem Inst. f. allg. u. vgl. Sprach-wissenschaft) 4 (27).

* [*1902] Meillet, Antoine. 1902. Introduction à l'étude comparative des langues indo-européennes. Paris: Hachette.

* [*1978] Szemerényi, Oswald J.L. 1978. Studies in the kinship terminology of the IE languages. Acta Iranica 16:1-240.

<HarvardReferences />

The three-dorsal theory

2017-10-31T10:47:21Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> == Abstract == ''The evolution of the velar system in the attested Indo-European dialects gave ris..."

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== Abstract ==

''The evolution of the velar system in the attested Indo-European dialects gave rise initially to the three-dorsal theory, which was immediately – and has been since then – rejected by an important part of Indo-Europeanists. ''

''Nevertheless, this artificial reconstruction, based on the centum-satem distinction, remains a prevalent hallmark of the most common handbooks on Proto-Indo-European reconstruction used in university courses around the world.''

''In this paper we examine the reasons in favour of a two-dorsal system and against the reconstruction of a series of palatalised velars, illustrating it with the history of the development of both theories, highlighting the weak finds that seem to be the strongest link to an original system of three velars.''

== Introduction ==

PIE phonetic reconstruction is strongly tied to the past: acceptance of traditional distinction of three series of velars is still widespread today in handbooks and articles on PIE and IE proto-languages alike.

Direct comparison in early IE studies, informed by the centum-satem isogloss, yielded the reconstruction of three rows of dorsal consonants in Late Indo-European by Bezzenberger[1890], a theory which became classic after Brugmann included it in the 2nd Edition of his Grundriss. It was based on vocabulary comparison: so e.g. from PIE *km̥tóm ‘hundred’, there are so-called satem (cf. O.Ind. śatám, Av. satəm, Lith. šimtas, O.C.S. sto) and centum languages (cf. Gk. -katón, Lat. centum, Goth. hund, O.Ir. cet).

To explain the phonetic differences between both groups, a series of labiovelars *kʷ, *gʷ, and *gʷʰ, and another of palatovelars *kj, *gj, and *gjʰ, were reconstructed with the plain velar series. These sounds underwent a characteristic phonetic change in both dialectal groups, whereby three original “velar rows” became two in all attested Indo-European dialects. After that original belief, then, the centum group of languages merged the palatovelars *kj, *gj, and *gjʰ with the plain velars *k, *g, and *gʰ, while the satem group of languages merged the labiovelars *kʷ, *gʷ, and *gʷʰ with the plain velars *k, *g, and *gʰ.

The reasoning for reconstructing three series was very simple: the easiest and most straightforward solution for the parent PIE language was that it had all three rows reconstructed for the proto-languages, which would have merged into two rows depending on their dialectal (centum vs. satem) situation – even if no single IE dialect shows three series of velars. Also, for a long time this division was identified with an old dialectal division within the Indo-European-speaking territory, especially because both groups appeared not to overlap geographically: the centum branches were to the west of satem languages. Such an initial answer should be considered unsound today, at least as a starting-point to obtain a better explanation for this ‘phonological puzzle’[Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010].

Many Indo-Europeanists still keep a distinction of three distinct series of velars for the parent Indo-Hittite language (and mostly unchanged for the Late Indo-European language), although research has constantly supported that the palatovelar series were most likely a late phonetic development of certain satem dialects, later extended to others. This belief was formulated quite early in the development of the velar series by Antoine Meillet[1894], and has been followed by many linguists since then, such as Hirt[1899][1927], Lehmann[1952], Georgiev[1966], Bernabé[1971], Steensland[1972], Miller[1976], Allen[1978], Kortlandt[1980], Shields[1981], etc.

The general trend is to reconstruct labiovelars and plain velars, so that the hypothesis of two series of velars is usually identified with this theory. Among those who support two series of velars there is, however, a minority who consider the labiovelars a secondary development from the pure velars, and reconstruct only velars and palatovelars, such as Kuryłowicz[1935], already criticised by Bernabé, Steensland, Miller, and Allen. Still less acceptance had the proposal to reconstruct only a labiovelar and a palatal series by Magnusson[1967].

== Contents ==

1. [[Two series of velars]]

2. [[Three series of velars]]

== Conclusion ==

As it is clear from the development of the dorsal reconstruction, the theory that made the fewest assumptions was that an original Proto-Indo-European had two series of velars. These facts should have therefore shifted the burden of proof, already by the time when Meillet[1894] rejected the proposal of three series; but the authority of Neogrammarians and well-established works of the last century, as well as traditional conventions, probably weighted (and still weight) more than reasons.

More than half century ago we had already a similar opinion on the most reasonable reconstruction, that still today is not followed, as American Sanskritist Burrow[1955] shows: “The difficulty that arises from postulating a third series in the parent language, is that no more than two series (…) are found in any of the existing languages. In view of this it is exceedingly doubtful whether three distinct series existed in Indo-European. The assumption of the third series has been a convenience for the theoreticians, but it is unlikely to correspond to historical fact. Furthermore, on examination, this assumption does not turn out to be as convenient as would be wished. While it accounts in a way for correspondences like the above which otherwise would appear irregular, it still leaves over a considerable number of forms in the satem-languages which do not fit into the framework (…) Examples of this kind are particularly common in the Balto-Slavonic languages (…). Clearly a theory which leaves almost as many irregularities as it clears away is not very soundly established, and since these cases have to be explained as examples of dialect mixture in early Indo-European, it would appear simplest to apply the same theory to the rest. The case for this is particularly strong when we remember that when false etymologies are removed, when allowance is made for suffix alternation, and when the possibility of loss of labialization in the vicinity of the vowel u is considered (e.g. kravíṣ-, ugrá-), not many examples remain for the foundation of the theory.”

== References ==

* [*Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010] Adrados, F.R., A. Bernabé, and J. Mendoza. 2010. Manual of Indo-European Linguistics I. Edited by P. Swiggers. 3 vols. Vol. 1, Orbis Supplementa. Leuven: Peeters.

* [*1978] Allen, W. Sidney. 1978. The PIE velar series: Neogrammarian and other solutions in the light of attested parallels. Transactions of the Philological Society 76 (1):87-110.

* [*1971] Bernabé, A. 1971. Aportaciones al estudio fonologico de las guturales indoeuropeas. Emerita 39:63.

* [*1890] Bezzenberger, A. 1890. Die indogermanischen Gutturalreihen. Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen 16.

* [*1955] Burrow, Thomas. 1955. The Sanskrit Language. London: Faber and Faber.

* [*1966] Georgiev, Vladimir Ivanov. 1966. Introduzione alla storia delle lingue indeuropee. Vol. 9: Ed. dell'Ateneo.

* [*1899] Hirt, Herman. 1899. Zur lösung der gutturalfrage im Indogermanischen. Harvard.

* [*1927] Repeated Author. 1927. Indogermanische Grammatik, BD III, Das Nomen: Carl Winter's Universitätsbuchhandlung.

* [*1980] Kortlandt, Frederik. 1980. H2o and oH2. Lingua Posnaniensis 23:127-128.

* [*1935] Kuryłowicz, Jerzy. 1935. Etudes indoeuropéennes. Kraków: Gebethner i Wolff.

* [*1952] Lehmann, W. P. 1952. Proto-Indo-European Phonology. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

* [*1967] Magnusson, Walter L. 1967. Complementary distributions among the root patterns of Proto-Indo-European. Linguistics 5 (34):17-25.

* [*1894] Meillet, Antoine. 1894. De quelques difficultés de la théorie des gutturales indo-européennes: E. Bouillon.

* [*1976] Miller, D. Gary. 1976. Pure velars and palatals in Indo-European: a rejoinder to Magnusson. Linguistics 14 (178):47-64.

* [*1981] Shields, Kenneth. 1981. A new look at the centum/satem isogloss. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 95 (2):203-213.

* [*1972] Steensland, Lars. 1972. Die Distribution der urindogermanischen sogenannten Gutturale.

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Laryngeal loss and vocalism

2017-10-31T10:36:45Z

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== Abstract ==

''The loss of Proto-Indo-European laryngeals is often described as multiple independent processes within each branch and proto-language.''

''However, there are striking similarities in the merging, colouring, vocalisation, and deletion processes that suggest a common period of laryngeal evolution. ''

''In this paper we examine the potential evolutionary stages of laryngeals in the Common Indo-European period – after the separation of Proto-Anatolian –, and in early branches, with special emphasis on North-West Indo-European phonetic reconstruction.''

== Contents ==

1. [[Laryngeals]]

2. [[Laryngeal evolution]]

3. [[Laryngeal reflexes in North-West Indo-European]]

4. [[A stable paradigm]]

== Conclusion ==

A unitary, immoveable, ‘Brugmannian’ Proto-Indo-European was developed for decades, where all differences between branches were attributed to dialectal exceptions in the vocalism of the parent language. That concept was changed for another one, represented by the widespread acceptance of a ‘laryngeal’ Proto-Indo-European – thanks especially to the Hittite decipherment.

However, the simplistic view – already present more than seventy years ago – of a unitary, abstract, atemporal parent language, from which all other branches would have split at the same time, has changed little. The field has changed one simple concept by another, slightly more correct. But the main error remains: immobility.

Phonetics seems to be often the subject of change in the field: first the satem-centum distinction, then to shared isoglosses, then from vocalism to laryngeals, including the gradual acceptance of the archaic nature of Anatolian.
With this paper, we propose that what is often described as infinite independent events of laryngeal loss, intertwined with multiple independent exceptions, be exchanged for general rules of stepped laryngeals loss, coupled with a reasonable number of exceptions for each dialectal period.

A stable paradigm

2017-10-31T10:34:55Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> == A more conservative model for laryngeal loss == Some authors tend to support an independent, q..."

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== A more conservative model for laryngeal loss ==

Some authors tend to support an independent, quite late dialectal loss of laryngeals. Some examples include:

*Kortlandt supports the presence of distinct laryngeals in Central and Satem Indo-European, and a single glottal stop in Balto-Slavic. “The loss of the laryngeals after a vocalic resonant is posterior to the shortening of pretonic long vowels in Italic and Celtic”[Kortlandt 2007].

*“As a rule, the laryngeals were disposed of only after the Proto-Indo-European era”[Meier-Brügger 2003].

*“The current picture of laryngeal reconstruction necessitates repeated loss of laryngeals in each language branch”[Clackson 2007].

Clackson compared this independent loss of laryngeals to the Maltese and Modern Hebrew examples, languages isolated from Semitic into an Indo-European environment for centuries. That is indeed a plausible explanation: that all IE branches, after having split up from a Common Indo-European language, would have become independently isolated, and then kept in close contact with (or, following the Maltese example, surrounded by) non-IE languages without laryngeals. Then, every change in all branches could be explained by way of diachronic and irregular developments of vowel quality. After all, “(…) the comparative method does not rely on absolute regularity, and the PIE laryngeals may provide an example of where reconstruction is possible without the assumption of rigid sound-laws.”

However, the most likely historical development of Indo-European-speaking communities is described as stepped expansions into different regions, and with different population admixtures, both of which were likely to bring about important linguistic changes.

== Linguistic, archaeological, and genetic data ==

The most probable assumptions then, taking into account historical developments, is that the different common stages of laryngeal loss might have happened in the following manner:

*It seems that the original nature and position of laryngeals in Indo-Hittite may be reconstructed – apart from Anatolian data – with the help of Proto-Uralic[Hyllested 2009], presupposing a common earlier Indo-Uralic stage[Kloekhorst 2008]. If such an ancient Indo-Uralic community can be identified as coincident with the Early Indo-European stage[Kortlandt 2002], it should then correspond with the historical-cultural community formed by the development of early Khvalynsk and Sredni Stog cultures from a common steppe population, at the end of the 6tʰ millennium BC. Attempts to reconstruct the earliest possible Proto-Indo-European phonology are common nowadays, but probably lack the necessary data to obtain reliable reconstructions.

*Following this linguistic model, an Indo-Hittite-speaking eastern Pontic-Caspian steppe region, represented by the early and late Khvalynsk culture, would leave the North Pontic steppe region, and more precisely the early Sredni Stog culture and heirs late Sredni Stog and Kvitjana, as Uralic-speaking. Laryngeals seem to have begun their deletion process during this common period, including the dialect ancestral to Anatolian[Kloekhorst 2006][Kortlandt 2003-2004], split probably ca. 4500-4000 BC. This time is coincident with the expansion of the eastern Pontic-Caspian steppe to the west with the (Pre-Anatolian-speaking) Suvorovo-Novodanilovka chiefs who dominated over the north-west Pontic steppe region.

*Secondly during the common CIE period ca. 4000-3300 BC, including Northern and Southern dialectal differentiation[Adrados 1998]. The colouring and lengthening of vowels, as well as the merging of laryngeals in a common *h[Bomhard 2004], were probably coincident with the disintegration of the CIE-speaking community, which happened at the end of this period.

*During the DIE period ca. 3300-2800, the main early Yamna migrations happened. A western group speaking the Northern dialect migrated first eastward – Pre-Tocharian into Afanasevo –, then westward – pre-NWIE speakers to the North Pontic steppe, and later into the Carpathian Basin. The eastern groups speaking Southern dialects migrated to the west – Palaeo-Balkan speakers – or stayed in the steppe – like the Pre-Indo-Iranian-speaking Poltavka culture, which also migrated to the east ca. 2800-2600 BC. Linguistic and cultural contacts are attested (probably ca. 3100-2800) between pre-NWIE and Palaeo-Balkan groups in the west, and between Pre-Tocharian and Pre-Indo-Iranian groups in the east, which allowed for certain common developments between such disparate dialects[Adrados 1998].

*Other changes may have arisen after the split, from around the mid-3rd millennium BC, e.g. during the westward migration of North-West Indo-European-speaking Yamna migrants as the Classical East Bell Beaker folk[Harrison and Heyd 2007][Mallory 2013]. This would include alternating outputs of some groups in dialects of the same branches, and potential frozen laryngeal remnants reconstructed for proto-languages. For some, the European expansion of Late Indo-European dialects represents already a post-laryngeal period of the language[Koch 2013].

While there are reasons to support remnants of the DIE merged laryngeal in later periods, there seems to be no strong argument for the survival of DIE merged *h into later proto-languages, and still less to support the maintenance of the generalist, abstract differentiation into three laryngeals in DIE and later stages of Proto-Indo-European.

Typologically it is already quite difficult to accept that both models of full laryngeal loss – a common development or similar independent phonetic changes – are equally likely. A common evolution seems a priori more likely than multiple independent events, as an explanation for the similar development attested in IE languages. All ancient Indo-European languages derived from CIE had lost the merged laryngeal before their first recording, all with similar outputs. Even the potential laryngeal remnants (laryngeal hiatuses or glottal stops) must have been lost in an early period as productive outputs of laryngeals – since they are found only rarely as frozen remains, presupposed behind certain forms in old compositions of ancient dialects.

An almost complete loss of laryngeals during the Late Proto-Indo-European stages fits into a coherent timeline within the known dialectal evolution. With that a priori assumption, we limit the need for unending ad hoc sound-laws for each dialectal difference involving a sonorant, which would in turn need their own exceptions. Following Clackson’s[Clackson 2007] reasoning, we need only “rigid sound-laws” that account for CIE and DIE developments, with irregularities being explained assuming dialectal variation due to either internal evolution or language contact.

Therefore, we would dispense with unnecessary hypotheses of the comparative method, offering the most conservative approach to the reconstruction.

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Bomhard 2004] Bomhard, Alan R. 2004. The Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals. In Per aspera ad asteriscos. Studia Indogermanica in honorem Jens Elmegård Rasmussen sexagenarii Idibus Martiis anno MMIV, edited by A. Hyllested, A. R. Jørgensen, J. H. Larsson and T. Olander. Innsbruck.

* [*Clackson 2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*Harrison and Heyd 2007] Harrison, Richard, and Volker Heyd. 2007. The Transformation of Europe in the Third Millennium BC: the example of ‘Le Petit-Chasseur I + III’ (Sion, Valais, Switzerland). Praehistorische Zeitschrift 82 (2).

* [*Hyllested 2009] Hyllested, Adam. 2009. Internal reconstruction vs. external comparison: the case of the Indo-Uralic larnygeals. In Internal reconstruction in Indo-European: Methods, results and problems. Section papers from the XVIth International Conference on Historical Linguistics held at the University of Copenhagen, edited by J. E. Rasmussen and T. Olander. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum.

* [*Kloekhorst 2006] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2006. Initial laryngeals in Anatolian. Historische Sprachforschung/Historical Linguistics 119:77-108.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Some Indo-Uralic Aspects of Hittite. JIES 36 (1 & 2).

* [*Koch 2013] Koch, John T. 2013. Out of the flow and ebb of the European Bronze Age: Heroes, Tartessos, and Celtic. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Kortlandt 2002] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2002. The Indo-Uralic verb. In Finno-Ugrians and Indo-Europeans: Linguistic and literary contacts. Maastricht: Shaker.

* [*Kortlandt 2003-2004] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2003-2004. Initial laryngeals in Anatolian. Orpheus 13-14 [Gs. Rikov]:9-12.

* [*Kortlandt 2007] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2007. Italo-Celtic origins and prehistoric development of the Irish language. Edited by R. S. P. Beekes, A. Lubotsky and J. J. S. Weitenberg, Leiden Studies in Indo-European. Amsterdam / New York: Rodopi.

* [*Mallory 2013] Mallory, J.P. 2013. The Indo-Europeanization of Atlantic Europe. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

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Laryngeal reflexes in North-West Indo-European

2017-10-31T10:28:19Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> Assuming a common North-West Indo-European community and language, we can establish these common de..."

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Assuming a common North-West Indo-European community and language, we can establish these common developments, from which to derive changes in daughter proto-languages Italo-Celtic, Pre-Germanic, and potentially Pre-Balto-Slavic, or alternatively its Temematic substrate[Holzer 1989].

== Initially before consonant or resonant ==

Initially before PIE consonants or resonants laryngeals are lost. This is the result in most historic languages, except in Greek, Armenian and Anatolian, where they are preserved with some limitations in all of them.

PIE *h₁rudʰrós → NWIE *rudʰrós, ‘red’; cf. Gr. ἐρυθρός, Lat. ruber, Goth. rauþs.

PIE *h₁smós(i) → NWIE *smos(i), ‘we are’.

PIE *h₁imós(i) → NWIE *imós(i),’we go’.

PIE *h₂iu̯- u̯Hens- → NWIE *i̯úwōn ‘young’, cf. Lat. iuuenis, O Ind., yúvan-.

PIE *h₂sters → NWIE *stḗr ‘star’, but cf. Gr. ἀστήρ.

PIE *h₃lígos → NWIE *lígos ‘little, scarce’, cf. Gr. ὀλίγος, Arm. aɫk`‘poor’, Lith. Ligà ‘illness’.

PIE *h₃minégʰmi / *h₃míngʰoh₂ → NWIE *minégʰmi / míngʰō, ‘I piss’.

PIE *h₃r̥néumi → NWIE *r̥néumi, ‘I move’.

PIE *h₁úpo → NWIE *úpo, ‘under’.

PIE *h₂/₃upélos → NWIE *upélos, ‘evil’.

PIE *h₂u̯ésoh₂ → NWIE *wésō, ‘I stay’.

PIE *h₁pi̯oh₂ → NWIE *ápi̯ō, ‘I reach’.

PIE *h₃bʰruHs → NWIE *bʰrūs, ‘eyebrow’.

== Initially before vowel ==

PIE *h₁ésmi → NWIE *ésmi, ‘I am’.

PIE *h₁ómHsos → NWIE *ómsos, ‘shoulder’.

PIE *h₁édsi → NWIE *édsi, ‘you eat’.

PIE *h₁óngʷ-ols → NWIE *óngʷōl ‘coal’.

PIE *h₁eíti → NWIE *eíti, ‘goes’.

PIE *h₁óimos → NWIE *óimos, ‘march’.

PIE *h₁egóh₂ → NWIE *egṓ, ‘I’.

PIE *h₁ógʷʰis → NWIE *ógʷʰis, ‘worm, snake’.

PIE *h₂énus → NWIE *ánus, ‘grandmother’.

PIE *h₁órsos → NWIE *órsos, ‘tail’.

PIE *h₂égeti → NWIE *ágeti, ‘bears’.

PIE *h₂ógmos → NWIE *ógmos, ‘track’.

PIE *h₃enos → NWIE *ónos, ‘load’.

PIE *h₂eiu̯ós → NWIE *aiu̯ós, ‘lifetime-lasting’.

PIE *h₃éu̯is → NWIE *óu̯is, ‘sheep’.

PIE *h₂óiu̯u → NWIE *óiu̯u, ‘vital energy’.

PIE *h₃épos → NWIE *ópos, ‘work’.

PIE *h₃ólh₁neh₂ → NWIE *ṓlnā, ‘elbow’.

PIE *h₃éidos → NWIE *óidos, ‘tumor’.

PIE *h₃ókʷo- → NWIE *ókʷos, ‘eye’.

=== Special cases: initial vocalization ===

PIE *h₂íh₂si̯eh₂ → NWIE *óisi̯ā, ‘rudder’.

PIE *h₂u̯H₁i- → NWIE *áu̯is, ‘bird’.
PIE *h₂ń̥h₂e → NWIE *ána, ‘on’.
PIE *h₂ŕ̥gn̥tom → NWIE *árgn̥tom.
PIE *(H?)álbhos → NWIE *álbʰos, ‘white’, cf. Hitt. alpa-, ‘cloud’.

== Double initial laryngeals ==

PIE *hºhu̯₂etmos → NWIE *átmos, ‘breath’.

PIE *h₂/₃eh₃imi → NWIE *ṓimi, ‘I believe’.

PIE *hºhu̯₂etméns → NWIE *ātmḗn, ‘spirit’.

PIE *h₃éhu̯₃smi → NWIE *ṓsmi, ‘I open’.

PIE *h₃ºhu̯₃sis → NWIE *óusis, ‘ear’.

PIE *Héhi₂dmi → NWIE *ā́dmi, ‘I dry’.

PIE *H₁óH₂u̯i̯om → NWIE *ṓu̯ii̯om, ‘egg’.

PIE *h₃ehu̯₃s → NWIE *ōs, ‘mouth’.

PIE *Hº₃eHi₂kris → NWIE *ókris, ‘summit’.

PIE *HoHu̯o₁los → NWIE *áulos, ‘tube’.

== Internally before a vowel ==

PIE *dʰh₁ent → NWIE *dʰent, ‘they placed’.

PIE *sth₂ent → NWIE *stant, ‘they stood’.

PIE *dh₃ent → NWIE *dont, ‘they gave’.

PIE *h₂u̯oh₁dʰh₁éi̯oh₂ → NWIE *u̯ōdʰéi̯ō, ‘I push’.

PIE *skʷh₂ólos → NWIE *skʷólos, ‘stumbling’ (noun).

PIE *h₂u̯óh₁dʰh₁onom → NWIE *u̯ṓdʰonom, ‘pushing’.

PIE *skélh₂onom → NWIE *skélonom, ‘splitting’.

PIE *somh₂ós → NWIE *somós, ‘same’.

PIE *réth₂onti → NWIE *rétonti, ‘they run’.

PIE *h₁ésHos → NWIE *ésos, ‘master, lord’.

II.3.6. Internally before vowel, after resonant

PIE *mélh₂esi → NWIE *mélesi (not ˣmélasi), ‘you grind’.

PIE *sténh₂esi → NWIE *sténesi (not ˣsténasi), ‘you resound’.

== Second position in compounds ==

PIE *neu̯ognh₁ós → NWIE *neu̯ognós ‘newly born’.

PIE *kʷékʷlh₁o- → NWIE *kʷékʷlom ‘wheel’.

== Internally after a vowel ==

PIE *h₁réh₁poh₂ → NWIE *rḗpō, ‘I creep’.

PIE *Hréh₃doh₂ → NWIE *rṓdō, ‘gnaw’.

PIE *meh₂térs → NWIE *mātḗr, ‘mother’.

PIE *meh₂is → NWIE *māis, ‘more’

PIE *péh₂smi → NWIE *pā́smi, ‘I heed’.

PIE *préh₂tis → NWIE *prā́tos, ‘sale’.

PIE *dʰidʰéh₁mi → NWIE *dʰidʰḗmi, ‘I put’.

PIE *gígnh₁H₂ei → NWIE *gígnāi, ‘I am born’.

PIE *stistéh₂mi → NWIE *stistā́mi, ‘I stand’.

PIE *didéh₃mi → NWIE *didṓmi, ‘I give’.

PIE *h₃néhu₃mn̥ → NWIE *nṓmn̥, ‘name’.

PIE *pr̥néh₂mi → NWIE *pr̥nā́mi, ‘I sell’.

PIE *soh₁déi̯oh₂ → NWIE *sōdéi̯ō, ‘I settle’.

PIE *dhoh₁mós → NWIE *dʰōmós, ‘thesis, opinion’.

PIE *stóh₂nom → NWIE *stā́nom, ‘place’.

PIE *stóh₂los → NWIE *stṓlos, ‘table’.

=== Special case: Osthoff’s law ===

PIE *h₂u̯éh₁n̥tos → NWIE *u̯éntos, ‘wind’.

PIE *meh₁msóm → NWIE *mē̌msóm, ‘meat’.

=== Special case: Stang’s law ===

PIE *pipéh₃imi → NWIE *pipṓmi, ‘I drink’. Extended to other forms:

PIE *pipéh₃iti → NWIE *pipṓti, ‘he drinks’.

=== Special case: laryngal metathesis ===

PIE **spi̯Hutós → *spi̯uHtós → NWIE *spi̯ūtós, ‘spat’ (part.).

PIE **bʰh₂utós → *bʰuh₂tós → NWIE *bʰūtós, ‘been’.

PIE **siHutós → *si̯uHtós → NWIE *si̯ūtós, ‘sewn’.

PIE **lh₃itós → *lih₃tós → NWIE *lītós, ‘poured’.

PIE **ph₃ilós → *pih₃lós → NWIE *pīlós, ‘having drunk’.

PIE *ph₃itós → NWIE *pītós, ‘drunk’.

PIE *pHutós → NWIE *pūtós, ‘cleaned’.

PIE *liHtós → NWIE *lītós, ‘poured’.

PIE *gʷHiu̯ós → NWIE *gʷīu̯ós, ‘alive’.

== Internally between two consonants ==

PIE *ph₂térs → NWIE *patḗr, ‘father’.

PIE *kh₃tós → NWIE *katós, ‘sharp’.

PIE *mh₂déh₁i̯oh₂ → NWIE *madḗjō, ‘I am wet’.

PIE *h₂u̯oh₁dʰh₁tós → NWIE *u̯odʰatós, ‘pushed’.

PIE *pr̥nh₂mós(i) → NWIE *pr̥namós(i), ‘we sell’.

PIE *dhidʰh₁mós(i) → NWIE *dʰidʰamós(i), ‘we put’.

PIE *stísth₂mos(i) → NWIE *stístamos(i), ‘we stand’.

PIE *dídh₃mos(i) → NWIE *dídamos(i), ‘we give’.

PIE *sth₂tós → NWIE *statós, ‘stood’.

PIE *peph₃té → NWIE *pepaté, ‘keep drinking’ (2nd pl.).

=== Special case: concave syllable between two consonants ===

PIE **sh₁déh₁i̯oh₂ → NWIE *sedḗi̯ō, ‘am seated’.

PIE **lh₁góm → NWIE *legóm, ‘I collected’.

PIE **lh₁bʰóm → NWIE *labʰóm, ‘I caught’.

PIE **luh₃óm → *lh₃u̯óm → NWIE *lou̯óm, ‘I washed’.

== Internally between consonant and resonant or between two resonants ==

=== Generalised Saussure effect ===

Some examples are affected by the “Pinault’s law”[Byrd 2015].

PIE *tórh₁mos → NWIE *tórmos, ‘hole’.

PIE *kl̥mh₂-rós → NWIE *klamrós, ‘weak’.

PIE *gémh₁ro- → NWIE *gémros, ‘son-in-law’.

PIE *(s)porHnós → NWIE *pornós, ‘feather’.

PIE *pélh₁u → NWIE *pélu, ‘much’.

PIE *bhólh₁/₂i̯om → NWIE *bʰóli̯om, ‘leaf’.

PIE *h₂érh₃u̯r̥ → NWIE *áru̯ar, ‘grain’.

PIE *míHi̯etoi → NWIE *mī́i̯etoi, ‘decreases’.

PIE *ku̯ríh₂tor → NWIE *kʷrī́tor, ‘was bought’.

PIE *dʰúh₂lis → NWIE *dʰū́lis, ‘soot’.

PIE *bʰh₂úi̯etoi → *bʰúh₂i̯etoi → NWIE *bʰū́i̯etoi, ‘becomes, begins’.

PIE *léu̯h₂trom/ *léh₂u̯trom → NWIE *lóutrom, ‘bath’.

PIE *skélh₂tis → NWIE *skéltis, ‘splitting’.

PIE *skl̥h₂i̯oh₂- → NWIE *skl̥i̯ō, ‘I split’.

PIE *térh₁i̯oh₂ → NWIE *téri̯ō, ‘I rub’.

PIE *sokʷh₂i̯ós → NWIE *sokʷi̯ós, ‘allied’.

PIE *megh₂i̯ós → NWIE *megi̯ós, ‘bigger’.

PIE *kn̥h₁i̯ó- → NWIE *kani̯ós, ‘recent’.

PIE *gń̥h₁i̯etoi (=*gígnetoi) → NWIE *gnai̯etoi, ‘is born’.

PIE *sth₂i̯éh₁m → NWIE *stai̯ḗm / *sti̯ēm, ‘I would stand’ (aor.).

PIE *sth₂ih₁nt → NWIE *stai̯ī́nt / *stint, ‘they would stand’.

PIE *dh₃i̯éh₁m → NWIE *dai̯ḗm / *di̯ēm, ‘I would give’ (aor.).

PIE *dh₂ih₁nt → NWIE *dai̯ī́nt / *dint, ‘they would give’.

PIE *h₂u̯oh₁dʰh₁i̯óm → NWIE *wodʰai̯óm / wodʰi̯óm, ‘I pushed’ (aor).

=== Special case: Retention of laryngeal ===

PIE *h₂énh₁mos → NWIE *ánh̥mos, ‘breath, soul’, cf. Toch. A āñcäm (obl. āñm-), B āñme PToch *āñc(ä)me 'self, soul', Lat. animus, Osc. anamúm, O.Ir. animm, O. Fris. omma.

PIE *kerh₂srom → NWIE *kerh̥srom.

PIE *temh₁sreh₂es → NWIE *temh̥srās, cf. O. Ind. tamisra, Lat. Tenebrae.

Compare also e.g. PGmc. *temHs- → OHG demar, ‘twilight’, but there are also reasons to reject such reconstruction in favour of PIE *temHosó-, as O.Ind. *tamasá-, ‘dark-colored’[Müller 2007].

=== Special case: Internal vocalisation ===

PIE *sh₂neh₂mi → NWIE *sánāmi, ‘I satiate’.

PIE *térh₁dʰrom → NWIE *téredʰrom ‘auger’, cf. Lat. terebra, Gr. τέρετρον, O. Ir. Tarathar.

cf. PIE *kr̥tús → NWIE *kartús, ‘strong’.

== Blocked laryngeal with a resonant ==

The regular reflex of *CR̥HC in Italo-Celtic is *CRāC no matter which laryngeal is involved. The ē of Italic (cf. Lat. plēnus, Umb. plener) and partially Celtic (cf. Corn. luen, Bret. leun) is likely an especial dissimilation not to confuse the word with *plānos. Analogy with the corresponding perfect is the common explanation for other results different from ā, as found in certain participles; cf. nōtus, sprētus, crētus, etc. An alternative, less likely explanation would be the continuity of the old three-laryngeal division into the Italic stage[Bolotov 2012].

PIE *pl̥h₁nós → NWIE *pl̥hnós / *plh̥nós, ‘full’; cf. Ita. *plānos, Cel.*hlēn-, *hlān-, PGmc. *fullaz, PBal. *pîlna-, PSla. *pьlnъ.

PIE *gr̥h₂nóm → NWIE *gr̥hnóm / *grh̥nóm, ‘corn’, cf. Lat. grānum, O.Ir. grān, PGmc. *kurna-, PBal. ǯirniā̃, PSla. *zьrno.

PIE *gn̥h₁tós → NWIE *gn̥htós / *gnh̥tós, ‘born’, cf. Lat. gnātus, Umb. natine, O.Ir. cned, Gaul cintu-, PGmc *kundáz, PBal. *ǯnō̂ta-.

PIE *gn̥h₃tós → NWIE *gn̥htós / *gnh̥tós, ‘known’, cf. Toch. A. āknats, aknātsa, Lat nōtus (but Lat. gnāvus<*gn̥h₃u̯ós, ‘wise’), O. Ir. gnāth, PGmc. *kundaz, PBal. *ǯint-, PSla. *žьn-.

PIE *pŕ̥h₂u̯os → NWIE *pŕ̥hu̯os / *pŕh̥u̯os, ‘first’; PToch. *pärwe, PSla. *pьrvъ.

PIE *str̥h₃tós → NWIE *str̥htós / *strh̥tós, ‘strewn’; Lat. strātus, O.Ir. sreth, PBal. *stir̂tā̂, PSla. *-stьrtъ.

PIE *gʷr̥h₂ús → NWIE *gʷrús / *gʷr̥hu̯ús / *gʷrh̥u̯ús, ‘heavy’; Lat. gravis (brutus), M.Ir. bair (bruth), PGmc. *kuru-, PBal. *grū̂ta-.

PIE *pr̥h₂tós → NWIE *pr̥htós / *prh̥tós, ‘sold’.

PIE *kŕ̥h₂tis → NWIE *kŕ̥htis / * kŕh̥tis, ‘wickerwork’.

PIE *pépr̥h₃th₂ei → NWIE *pépr̥htai / * pépŕh̥tai, ‘you got production’.

PIE *pépr̥h₂dʰi → NWIE *pépr̥hdʰi / * pépŕh̥dʰi, ‘keep selling!’.

However, no evidence for laryngeal after *r̥ can be traced in:

PIE *u̯éu̯r̥th₂ei → NWIE *u̯éu̯r̥tai / *, ‘you got found’.

=== Special case: Laryngeal lost by generalised Saussure effect ===

For example. in cases of *Cred.HRC such as:

* *HRoC → *RoC in Proto-Greek; in NWIE the general rule is laryngeal loss for any vocalism:
** PIE *h₃meigʰ- ‘to urinate’ → NWIE *méigʰō, *mingʰō, *moigʰós, but cf. Gk. ὀμείχ-ω/ μοιχός.
* *CoRHC → *CoRC:
** PIE *kólHnis → *NWIE kólnis ‘hill’.
** PIE *sólh₂u̯o- → *sólu̯o- ‘all, the whole’.

=== Special case: With brief resulting vowel ===

PIE *pŕ̥Htis → NWIE *prátis, ‘fern’.

PIE *kń̥h₂meh₂ → NWIE *kánmā, ‘leg’.

=== Special case: Lost laryngeal in a compound ===

PIE *kompl̥h₁nós → NWIE *kompl̥nós, ‘extremely full’.

PIE *komgnh₃tós → MID *komgn̥tós, ‘completely known’, cf. Lat. cognitus.

=== Special case: Palma rule ===

PIE *pĺ̥h₂meh₂ → NWIE *pĺ̥mā, ‘palm’.

PIE *pĺ̥h₂seh₂ → NWIE *pĺ̥sā, ‘mantle, covering’.

PIE *(s)pŕ̥hxseh₂ → NWIE pŕ̥hxsā, “winged animal, sparrow’.

Similar cases:
PIE *h₂/₃u̯ĺ̥h₁-neh₂ → NWIE *u̯ĺ̥nā / *uhlā́nā, ‘wool’, cf. O.Ind. ū́rṇā-.

PIE *pl̥h₂ń̥goh₂ → NWIE *plń̥gō, ‘I beat’.

PIE *gʰl̥h₃tóm → NWIE *gʰl̥tóm (not ˣghlōtóm), ‘gold’.

PIE *mĺ̥h₂dʰh₁os → NWIE *mĺ̥dʰos, ‘mild’.

PIE *skl̥h₂/₃tós → NWIE *skl̥tós (not ˣsklV̄tós), ‘split’ (part.).

PIE *pr̥nh₂énti → NWIE *pr̥nánti, ‘they sell’.

== Final position before a vowel ==

PIE *u̯óidh₂e → NWIE *woida, ‘I know’.

PIE *u̯óid-th₂e → NWIE *woista, ‘you know’, but cf. Gr. οἶσθα, O. Ind. vettha.

=== Special case: vocalization of a laryngeal appendix ===

PIE *ste-stohu̯₂h₂e → NWIE *stéstōu̯a, ‘I am standing’.

PIE *dʰe-dʰohi₁h₂e → NWIE *dʰédʰōi̯a, ‘I have put’.

PIE *de-dohu₃h₂e → NWIE *dédōu̯a, ‘I have given’.

== Final position after a vowel ==

PIE *dígʰeh₂ → NWIE *dígʰā, ‘goat’.

PIE *h₁roh₁₂u̯éh₂ → NWIE *rōu̯ā́.

PIE *héhi₂seh₂ → NWIE *ā́sā, ‘altar’.

PIE *gʷéneh₂ → NWIE *gʷénā, ‘woman’.

PIE *déikoh₂ → NWIE *déikō, ‘I show’.

PIE *wĺ̥kʷoeh₁ → NWIE *u̯ĺ̥kʷō, *u̯ĺ̥kʷo, ‘with (the) wolf’.

== Final position after a consonant or a resonant ==

PIE *pleh₁i̯ósh₂ → NWIE *plēi̯ósa, ‘more’.

PIE *megh₂ → NWIE *méga, ‘big’.

PIE *Hith₂ → NWIE *íta, ‘so’.

PIE *h₁ń̥dʰh₂ → NWIE *ń̥dʰa, ‘then’.

PIE *h₃néhu₃monh₂ → NWIE *nṓmona, ‘names’.

PIE *u̯l̥kʷíh₂ → NWIE *u̯l̥kʷī́ , ‘she wolf’.

PIE *u̯ŕ̥h₂dih₂ → NWIE *u̯ŕ̥hdī / *u̯ŕ̥hdjā, ‘root’.

PIE *bʰh₂mésdʰh₂ → NWIE *bʰamésdʰa, ‘we speak’ .

PIE *bʰh₂u̯ésdʰh₂ → NWIE *bʰawésdʰa, ‘we two speak’.

== Kortlandt effect ==

PIE **úddʰh₁r̥ → *úh₁dʰh₁r̥ → NWIE *ū́dʰr̥, ‘udder’.

PIE *dédr(H)is → NWIE *dḗris, ‘separation’, cf. Gr. δῆρις ‘dispute’, O. Ind. veṇu-dāri-.

PIE *tr̥dtós → NWIE *tr̥htós (<**tr̥h₁tós) ‘pierced’.

PIE **médmi → *meh₁mi → NWIE *mḗmi, ‘I measure’.

PIE *h₂éhi₂dmi → **h₂eh1₂h₁mi → NWIE *ā́mi, *ādmi, cf. *aidhō ‘I burn’.

PIE *gʰdéh₂u̯r̥ → **gʰh₁éh₂u̯r̥ → NWIE *gʰḗu̯r̥, ‘emptiness’.

PIE *bʰidtrós → **bʰih₁trós → NWIE *bʰītrós, ‘trunk’.

=== Exceptions ===

PIE *penkʷédkm̥th₂ → NWIE *penqédkm̥ta, ‘fifty’, but cf. O. Ind. pañcāśát- <*penkʷéh₁km̥th₂.

PIE *h₂ed → NWIE *ad, ‘at, to’, but cf. O. Ind. ā < *h₂eh₁.

PIE *Hud → NWIE *ud, ‘outside’.

== Consonantal change ==

PIE *piph₃oh₂ → NWIE *píbō, ‘I drink’.

== Martinet’s rule ==

PIE *h₃ésteh₂? → NWIE *kóstā, ‘rib’.

PIE *dʰh₁Hjoh₂ → NWIE *dʰáki̯ō, ‘I do’.

== References ==

* [*Bolotov 2012] Bolotov, S.G. 2012. Three ways of representation of Indo-European long sonants in Latin. Paper read at Indo-European linguistics and classical philology: proceedings of the Conference in memory of professor Joseph M. Tronsky, June 18-20, 2012, at St. Petersburg.

* [*Byrd 2015] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2015. Motivating Pinault's Law. In The Indo-European Syllable. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

* [*Holzer 1989] Holzer, Georg. 1989. Entlehnungen aus einer bisher unbekannten indogermanischen Sprache im Urslavischen und Urbaltischen. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

* [*Müller 2007] Müller, Stefan. 2007. Zum Germanischen aus laryngaltheoretischer Sicht : mit einer Einführung in die Grundlagen [der Laryngaltheorie]. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter.
<HarvardReferences />

Schleicher's Fable

2017-10-31T10:06:43Z

Admin:

<div class="row">
<div class="small-6 column">
'''North-West Indo-European'''

1 ó'''u̯is''' é'''ku̯ōs'''-kʷe,

2 ó'''u̯is''' '''i̯ós'''mi u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''est''';

3 é'''ku̯ons''' de'''dór'''ke,

4 tom gʷr̥h'''u̯úm''' u̯ó'''gʰom''' u̯é'''gʰon'''tm̥,

5 tom mé'''gām''' bʰó'''rom''',

6 tom '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ '''ō'''kú bʰé'''ron'''tm̥.,

7 ó'''u̯is''' éku̯o'''bʰos''' u̯eu'''kʷét''':

8 “kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' moi,

9 '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ é'''ku̯ons''' á'''gon'''tm̥ u̯idn̥'''téi'''”

10 é'''ku̯ōs''' u̯eu'''kʷónt''': “kl̥'''néu''', ó'''u̯i'''!

11 kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' nos u̯idn̥t'''bʰós''':

12 ''dʰ''gʰmōn, pó'''tis''', ó'''u̯i̯os''' u̯ĺ̥'''nām'''

13 sé'''bʰei''' '''gʷʰór'''mom '''u̯és'''trom kʷr̥'''néu'''ti.

14 ó'''u̯i̯om'''-kʷe u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''es'''ti”.

15 Tod keklu'''u̯ṓs''' ó'''u̯is''' á'''grom''' bʰu'''gét'''.

</div>
<div class="small-6 column">

'''English'''

1 The sheep and the horses.

2 A sheep that had no wool

3 saw horses;

4 one pulling a heavy wagon,

5 one carrying a big load,

6 one carrying a man quickly.

7 The sheep said to the horses:

8 “My heart pains me,

9 seeing a man driving horses.”

10 The horses said: “Listen, sheep!

11 Our hearts pain us when we see this:

12 A man, the master, makes the wool of the sheep

13 into a warm garment for himself.

14 And the sheep has no wool.”

15 Having heard this, the sheep fled into the plain
</div>

A recitation of the text is available on [https://youtu.be/_6ne-xvC0TU Youtube].

{{#evt:
service=youtube
|id=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_6ne-xvC0TU
|alignment=center
}}

Certain potentially controversial selections have been made:

* As in other tonal languages<ref>Just like Mandarin Chinese, PIE must have had both stress and pitch accent. Both were important, since some syllables must have had more prominence than others, and high pitch seems to have been more prominent – vowel length appears in most Anatolian words on PIE stressed syllable[DeLisi 2013]. As a rule of thumb – as e.g. in the reconstructed Ancient Greek pronunciation, in Arabic, or in the Sezer stress pattern in Turkish –, syllable weight (the length of the syllable) marks the stress of words in this rendition of the fable. Whenever possible, then, syllables that include a long vowel or a diphthong (CVV) and those with more than one consonant (CVCC) are stressed. If in conflict, those with a combination of both (CVVCC) are probably the stressed ones.</ref>, stress accent has been placed on heavy syllables during recitation, and these are marked in bold.

*For laryngeals and vocalism, see below. For *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' < **''h₂/₃u̯ĺ̥h₁-neh₂'', two possible results in NWIE were *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' / *''uhlā́nā''. Because of O.Ind. ''ū́rṇā''-, a pronunciation *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' is selected.

*For *''eku̯ons'', probably from an older **''eku̯o-m-s'' formed by the accusative singular ending *-''m'' and plural ending *-''s'', cf. *-''ms'' in Anatolian[Kloekhorst 2008]. An older form for ‘horse’ is found in Anatolian **''eku-m-s'', cf. Hitt. ekku-[Kortlandt 2013] – the likely general development in LIE (and certainly in NWIE) has been selected, though.

* *''dedórke'' carries the accent on the root, as usually reconstructed following Indo-Iranian examples[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The alternative *''dédorke'' is also possible. The more commonly reconstructed term for the fable, *''woide'', originally a perfect of *''weid''-, ‘see’, had already by LIE adopted a slightly different meaning, ‘know’, potentially from a previous ‘state derived of having seen’ (?).

*The accusative *''tom'' has been used, instead of the nominative *''so'', because they are the objects (acc. *''éku̯ons'') seen. However, the use of nominative *''so'' would also be right, especially from a historical point of view, when it was not yet inflected – like uninflected *''i'' instead of *''i̯ós''-[Kortlandt 2010].

* *''mégā'' has been declined following LIE and NWIE examples, although it has been proposed that it was indeclinable in earlier times[Pooth 2017].

*For *''dʰgʰmon''-: There seems to be a trend toward simplification of the initial phoneme in this cluster in NWIE, hence the pronunciation *''gʰmon''-; cf. O.Lat. ''hemō'' (Osc. ''humuns'', Umbr. ''homonus''), Gmc. *''gum-an-'', Bal. *''ǯmō̃'' (O. Lith. ''žmuõ'', O. Pruss. ''smoy''). A different reduction is found in O.Ir. duine < *''don-i̯os'', probably from metathesised form *''gdon-i̯os'' < **''gʰdʰmon-i̯os''.
** The other common LIE word used to translate ‘man’ in the fable, *''ner''-, is not used here because of its more specialised use in NWIE as ‘manly, strong’ mainly in archaisms, cf. Italo-Celtic *''ner''- (as Lat. ''neriōsus'', O.Ir. ''nert''), Gmc. *''ner''- (OHG ''Nerthus''), Bal. *''ner-/nor-'' (Lith. ''Nertėti'', O.Pruss. ''nertien'').

*Obliques in *-''bʰ''- have been used, following the Italo-Celtic and Graeco-Aryan examples, against *-''m''- found in Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which is potentially influenced by a common substrate to both languages (see [[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]). The pronunciation of *-''bʰ''- in *''u̯idn̥tbʰós'' seems to be compelled by the preceding *-''t''- to be in *-''pʰos'' or *-''ɸos'', although an effort is made to pronounce it in a phonemically correct way.

*Aorists are reconstructed without augment in *''é-'', proper of Graeco-Aryan[Meier-Brügger 2003].

*Nominative *''kērd'' is reconstructed with a *-''d'' at the end, although it was possibly mute[Ringe 2006].

*Middle-passives are reconstructed in *-''r'', following the generalised belief of its older nature – as a primary ending in Anatolian and Tocharian –, and its reconstruction for Italo-Celtic, as well as remains with impersonal value in Germanic.

*For present stem *''kl̥néu''-/''kl̥nu''-, ‘hear’, cf. O.Ir. ''ro-cluinethar'', Toch. B ''kalneṃ'', A ''kälniñc'', and also Skt. ''śr̥ṇóti'', Av. ''surunaoiti''. For verbal stem *''klu''-, frequently used when reconstructing the fable, the original meaning appears to be ‘be named, be renown’, cf. Av. ''sruiiē'', ‘be famous’, Lat. ''clueō'', ‘be named, be famous’, S.Picene ''kduíú'', ‘be named’[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The optional imperative suffix *-''dʰí'' is not used.

*Voiced consonants at the end of syllable (such as *-''d'', *-''gʰ''-, etc.) are pronounced voiced, because LIE or NWIE did not have final obstruent devoicing as a rule[Byrd 2010]. However, there are certain known cases of regressive assimilation, such as *DT→*TT, hence *''tod'' in the last sentence may be more exactly pronounced as *''tot-kekluu̯ṓs''.

*We have selected the form *''ágros''[Ringe 2006][Nikolaev 2009] over the more ‘traditional’ *''agrós''.

== References ==

* [*Byrd 2010] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2010. Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification, Linguistics Faculty, University of California, Los Angeles.

* [*DeLisi 2013] DeLisi, Jessica. 2013. Notes on Indo-European Linguistics. In Derived primarily from lecture notes from Indo-European Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax classes taught at UCLA by H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine from 2008-2009.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Edited by A. Lubotsky, Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

* [*Kortlandt 2010] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2010. Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi.

* [*Kortlandt 2013] Repeated Author. 2013. Schleicher's fable edited by L. University.

* [*Kümmel et al. 2001] Kümmel, M., Th. Zehnder, R. Lipp, and B. Schirmer. 2001. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen (LIV). Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Nikolaev 2009] Nikolaev, Alexander. 2009. The Germanic word for ‘sword’ and delocatival derivation in Proto-Indo-European. Journal of Indo-European Studies 37 (3/4):461-488.

* [*Pooth 2017] Pooth, Roland A. 2017. Proto-Indo-European Nominal Morphology. Part 2. Adjectives. Language Arts 5 (version 2017 APR 21).

* [*Ringe 2006] Ringe, D. 2006. A Linguistic History of English: Volume I, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. Edited by D. Ringe. 2 vols. Vol. 1, A Linguistic History of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />

Laryngeal evolution

2017-10-31T10:05:45Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> == Late Indo-European == In the vocalic inventory of the current Proto-Indo-European reconstructio..."

<div align="right">
{{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}}
</div>

== Late Indo-European ==

In the vocalic inventory of the current Proto-Indo-European reconstruction, the following simplified evolution paradigm is widespread[Beekes 2011][Meier-Brügger 2003][Ringe 2006][Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010]:

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/laryngeals.png]

== Common Indo-European ==

A differentiation of Late Indo-European in an early, Common Indo-European (CIE), and a late, Disintegrating Indo-European (DIE) stage is necessary.

After the separation of Proto-Anatolian ca. 4200-4000 BC, Common Indo-European developed probably in the eastern Volga-Don region of the Pontic-Caspian steppes, in the late Khvalynsk (and possibly Repin) groups, ca. 4000-3300 BC[Anthony 2007][Quiles 2017].

In this Common Indo-European phase, trends observed in the last stage of Proto-Indo-Hittite as shown by Proto-Anatolian might have included the following:

*Potential uvular-to-pharyngeal shift of *h₂, *h₃[Weiss 2016].
*Early merging and deletion processes[Kloekhorst 2006][Bomhard 2004]:
**PIH *h₁R- and *h₃R → CIE *hR
**PIH *VHC → CIE *V̄C
**PIH *Ho- → CIE *ho-
An auxiliary vowel was probably inserted often in certain positions, which can be reconstructed for all branches alike: *Ch₁C → *Ch₁°C, *Ch₂C → *Ch₂°C, *Ch₃C → *Ch₃°C.

== Disintegrating Indo-European ==

By Disintegrating Indo-European we assume a period of a Northern-Southern dialectal division and internal Southern dialectal split (between Palaeo-Balkan and Pre-Indo-Iranian groups), in which the whole community remained still in contact, allowing for the spread of innovations like a generalised vocalisation of the auxiliary vowel and the merging of laryngeals[Adrados 1998][Bomhard 2015][Koch 2013].

This linguistic scheme is compatible with the spread of the Repin culture ca. 3300 BC westward into the north Pontic steppe, and eastward as a group that would develop the language ancestral to Tocharian[Anthony 2007][Quiles 2017]. The time to most recent ancestor of eastern Yamna lineages show that Palaeo-Balkan and Pre-Indo-Iranian groups were already developed in this common early Yamna stage, in the late Khvalynsk culture, while the common western European lineages had yet to split.

A generally agreed absence of a common Proto-Indo-European *-a[Lubotsky 1989] contrasts with the unstable vocalic system of this period.

The evolution CIE → DIE can therefore be represented as follows:

* Colouring of *-e- by laryngeals (but long *ē more stable → uncoloured, “Eichner’s law”).
* Loss of laryngeals after and before low vowels.
* *h₁, *h₂, *h₃ → *h (with vocalic allophone *h̥), i.e. probably the voiceless laryngeal fricative /h/[Szemerényi 1967][Collinge 1970][Bomhard 2004].
* *HC- → *C- in all dialects but for Palaeo-Balkan languages (Greek, Phrygian, and probably Armenian). In this old branch, they are retained as colourised vowels[Bernabé 1975], but there are exceptions[Hinge 2007].
* *CH°C → *CHəC → *ChVC → *CVC, with the first phase more common in PIH, and the last one common in the dialectal split phase (see below).
* *-Hs- potentially evolving into geminated *-ss- in Anatolian and Greek[Ledo 2002].
* Metathesis of *CHIC- to *CIHC-.
* Eichner’s law.
* Pinault’s law *-VCHi̯ → *VCi̯ -[Pinault 1982].
* *-ERH → *-ĒR. The Saussure effect[Nussbaum 1997][Yamazaki 2009][van Beek 2011] accounts for some irregularities in the outcome of laryngeals (especially with *-h₂, but not limited to it) whereby CIE dialects do not show an usual reflection of the inherited sequence. It “reflects something that happened, or failed to happen, already in the proto-language”[Lubotsky 1997]:
** *HRo- → *Rō̌-.
** *-oRH-C- → *-oRC-.
** *CIHV- → *CII̭V-.
* *-CR̥/IHV- → *-CR/IV- in compounds.
** In the group *CR̥HV, a vowel can appear before the resonant, as the laryngeal disappears. That vowel is usually coincident with the vocalic output that a resonant alone would usually give in the different dialects, so it can be assumed that generally *CR̥HV→ *C(V)RV, although exceptions can indeed be found[Woodhouse 2011]. A common example of parallel treatment within the same dialect is Greek pros/paros < *pros/p°ros[Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010].
* *(-)CHV- → *(-)CV- in all CIE branches, but with some showing innovations such as aspiration before h₂, sonorants germination, etc.
* *CEHI- → *CEI-.
* *CEHE- → *CEE-.
* *-EH → *-Ē, with special cases for the group *HEH in Palaeo-Balkan languages[Bernabé 1975].
* *RHC- → *RVC-, or “Beekes’ law”, with laryngeal in anlaut vocalised in most languages, and the resonant becoming consonantal.

== Late Indo-European dialects ==

Some laryngeal reflexes reached DIE dialects differently, but still with some apparent contacts. They must have happened during the westward expansion of the Yamna culture.

* Loss of word-initial laryngeals *H→ ∅, but for Palaeo-Balkan languages, which appear to show a general output *H°→ *Hə→ e, a, o.
* *CHC → *CHəC → Western DIE *ChaC → NWIE *CaC, as found in Italo-Celtic[Schrijver 1991][Zair 2012], Germanic[Ringe 2006], and Tocharian, and also in Armenian[Mondon 2008] and Albanian. Alternative fate was laryngeal loss in certain environments *CC[Byrd 2010].
** In Proto-Greek, CIE *CHəC evolved into *CaC, *CeC, *CoC depending on the nature of *H.
** Eastern DIE *ChiC evolved into Indo-Iranian *CiC.
* DIE *CR̥HiV- → NWIE *CR̥jV-, as found in Italo-Celtic *CaRjV, cf. Lat. cariēs < *kr̥h₂-jē-[Schrijver 1991], also found in Greek and perhaps Sanskrit.
* DIE *HJV- → NWIE *JV- as found in Italo-Celtic[Schrijver 1991][Zair 2012], Germanic[Ringe 2006], Tocharian, and also in Indo-Iranian, Armenian, and Albanian[Zair 2012].
* DIE *R̥HC- → NWIE *RǎC-, as found in Italo-Celtic[Zair 2012], cf. Lat. lǎbāre[Schrijver 1991], and Germanic[Beekes 1988].
* DIE *HIC- → NWIE *IC-, as found in Italo-Celtic[Schrijver 1991][Zair 2012], Germanic[Ringe 2006], and Tocharian, as well as Albanian, Indo-Iranian.
* DIE *CEHR̥- → NWIE *CER-, with an unclear intermediate development, but necessarily parallel in Italo-Celtic, Germanic, and Indo-Iranian[Zair 2012].
* DIE *CIHR̥- → NWIE *CIJR̥- in Italo-Celtic, Indo-Irania[Schrijver 1991][Zair 2012].
* DIE *-IH → NWIE *-Ī as found in Italo-Celtic and Germanic, as well as Albanian and Indo-Iranian. Vocalization in Greek-Armenian and Tocharian.
** CIE *-ih₂ ending in auslaut had an alternative form *-j°h₂, DIE *-ih/-jəh, which could produce *-ī, *-jā̌, alternating forms that are found even within the same dialect.
* Dybo’s rule in North-West Indo-European: short vowels as output of *CHIC-, or *CIHC-, with long vowels remaining when stressed, but shortened in pretonic syllables, as found in Proto-Italic, Proto-Celtic and Proto-Germanic[Zair 2012][Garnier 2015].

The contentious Osthoff’s law, which affected all DIE branches but for the eastern territories (languages ancestral to Tocharian and Indo-Iranian), must have been a general trend after the start of the Yamna expansion, i.e. after ca. 3100 BC.

When *H is in a post-plosive, prevocalic position, the consonantal nature of the laryngeal values is further shown *CHVC → *CʰVC; that is more frequent in PII, cf. *pl̥th₂ú- → Ved. pr̥thú-; it appears also in the perfect endings, cf. Gk. oistha. This development might have happened in North-West Indo-European, and later devoiced to *CVC.

== Laryngeal remnants in early Indo-European proto-languages? ==

=== Glottal stops ===

Apparently a reflect of consonantal laryngeals is found between non-high vowels as hiatuses (or glottal stops) in the oldest Indo-Iranian languages, in Homeric Greek[Lindeman 1987], and potentially in Germanic[Connolly 1980]. However, there is not enough evidence to explain such irregularities by laryngeal remains instead of by the more obvious licence in metric[Kümmel 2014].

==== *-iH/*-j°H ====

In old compositions, some final short vowels are found as heavy syllables, cf. Skt. deví etu, or vocat. vṛki, tanu[Lindeman 1987][Beekes 1982]: “The Vedic phrase devyètu, i.e. devì etu is best understandable if we suppose that devī́ ‘goddess’ still contained the laryngeal form *dewíh (with *-ih<*-ih₂) at the time of the formulation of the verse in question. In the phase *-íh it was possible for the laryngeal simply to disappear before a vowel”[Meier-Brügger 2003]. Other common example used is *wŕ̥kih.

The laryngeal survival in Proto-Indo-Iranian is then controversial, with limited support found for a preservation in intervocalic position in the Gāϑās and in the Vedas[Gippert 1996], which is controversial[Kümmel 2014][Beguš 2015].

It is not justified, though, why it must represent a sort of unwritten laryngeal, and not an effect of it, i.e. a laryngeal hiatus or glottal stop, from older two-word sandhis that behave as a single compound word.

Interesting is also that they are in fact from words already alternating in CIE *-ih₂/*-j°h₂, or DIE *-ih/-jəh, which reflect different syllabification in Indo-Iranian vs. Greek and Tocharian, whilst “[t]he source of the difference is not fully understood”[Fortson 2010].

In line with this problem is that the expected case of *-aH stems is missing, what makes it less likely that Indo-Iranian examples come from a common hypothetic PII stage in which a word-final *-H had not still disappeared, and more likely that it was a frozen remain (probably of a glottal stop) in certain formal expressions.

In fact, it has long been recognised that the treatment of word-final laryngeals shows a strong tendency to disappear (so e.g. in Hittite), and most of the time it appears associated with morphological elements[Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010].

They should then be considered – like the hiatuses or glottal stops found in Hom. Gk. and Germanic compositions – probable ancient reminiscences of a frozen formal language. These examples were possibly glottal stops, remains of the old merged CIE laryngeal *h, i.e. *dewíh, *wŕ̥kih, etc

==== *-aH ====

The sandhi variant in *-aH is found in Greek and Old Church Slavonic[Meier-Brügger 2003][Ringe 2006]: In both “clear traces are missing that would confirm a PIE ablaut with full grade *-eh₂- and zero grade *-h₂- (…)
That is why it appears as if the differentiation between the nominative and vocative singular in this case could be traced to sandhi-influenced double forms that were common at a time when the stems were still composed of *-ah₂, and the contraction *-ah₂- →*-ā- had not yet occurred.”

This has been rejected[Szemerényi 1999]: “The shortening of the original IE ending -ā to -ă is regular, as the voc., if used at the beginning of a sentence or alone, was accented on the first syllable but was otherwise enclitic and unaccented; a derivation from -ah with the assumption of a prevocalic sandhi variant in -a fails therefore to explain the shortening.”

==== Laryngeal hiatus ====

The Rig Veda preserves many words that could be interpreted as though some remnant of a laryngeal, probably a glottal stop, was still present between vowels, a phenomenon called laryngeal hiatus. For example, Skt. vā́tas ‘wind’ must sometimes scan trisyllabically as *va’atas, O.Av. va.ata-, which come from earlier pre-PII *wehn̥tos or PII wáhata- < CIE *h₂weh₁-n̥t-o- → DIE *we(h)ntos → NWIE *wentos; cf. Lat. ventus, Welsh gwynt, PGmc. *windaz; but Proto-Toch. *wyentë < *wēntos.
Compare also potential examples Ved. *ca-kar-ha (the *h still preserved in the period of the activity of Brugmann’s law), or Ved. náus < *nahus. Such finds would support a vocalisation of CIE *n̥, *m̥ → PII *a earlier than the loss of laryngeal (or glottal stop) in that environment.

=== *CR̥HC ===

The group *CR̥HC is explained differently for the individual dialects without a general paradigm, with dialectal outputs explained as[Beekes 2011][Meier-Brügger 2003]:
* *CR°hC into Proto-Tocharian *CRaC, Italo-Celtic *CRāC, Proto-Armenian *CRaC, i.e. an output similar to *CHC in these dialects, which points either to an ancient trend (NWIE *CRahC), or to an assimilation of the group to the output of *CHC.
** Germanic *CR̥C. There is difficulty reconstructing the potentially old Northern variant *-HC- *-aC-[Müller 2007], among them the scarcity of surviving traces of laryngeals[Fortson 2010].
** Balto-Slavic *CVRC/CV̄RC, with the same vocalic output as *CR̥C, and distinction by accentuation[Darden 1990], which would mean a merging of the laryngeal posterior to the vocalisation of sonorants.
* In Proto-Greek, the original laryngeal determined the vocalic output: e.g. *r̥h₁→*r̥°h₁→*reh.
A common example of the different dialectal outputs of the *CRHC model in PIE *gn̥h₁-tó- ‘created, born’:
* Vedic jātá- < PII *jātó- < *jahtó- < *gjn̥htó-, which would mean that the laryngeal merged after the evolution CIE *n̥ → PII *a.
* CIE *gnəh₁tó-; cf. for the same intermediate grade PGk *gnētó- < *gnəh₁tó-, but Armenian cnaw < *gnahtó-.
* DIE *gn̥htó-/gnh̥tó- into PToch. *gnató- < **gnahtó-, Ita.-Cel. *gnātó- < **gnahtó-, PGmc. *kunda-< **gn̥tó-, Bal.-Sla. *gìnta-?< **gìnhta-? per Hirt’s law, following the *pl̥hnó- example[Darden 1990].

An ancient Northern LIE alternating *gn̥htó- / *gnh̥tó- (or *gnahtó-) could then be proposed, based on a) the older DIE trend to the development of *CHC in NWIE, and b) the output of*CR̥HC in Tocharian, Italo-Celtic, Armenian, and maybe Germanic and c) the natural pronunciation of the voiceless vowel *h̥ in a vocalic position in Northern LIE.

Common Germanic (and more difficultly Balto-Slavic) examples would then be potentially explained through hypercorrection of such *CRaC- or *CRaC- outputs, which would have been later unified with the *CVRC- output of the more common *CR̥C- compounds. To support such an ancient generalised model, then, requires an ad-hoc explanation for daughter languages, that becomes unnecessary if laryngeal retention is assumed, and thus NWIE *gn̥htó- is proposed, accepting the common early trend in European languages to a vocalization as *a, as found in the group *CHC.

The palma rule in Latin, which in turn seemed to have distinct developments depending on whether CIE *CRH̥C- sequences were accented or not[Höfler 2017], points more strongly to the unstable nature of compounds including sonorants, but this does not discard the survival of merged laryngeal remains in North-West Indo-European, either.

However, there are multiple examples of such compounds which do not fit in any dialectal scheme, though; changes of outputs from reconstructed forms with resonants are found even within the same dialects.

A common explanation of certain alternating forms found even in the same dialect is based on late dialectal morphological and analogical changes[Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010]: “The different solutions in this case depend solely on two factors: a) if there are one or two auxiliary vowels to facilitate the pronunciation of this group; b) the place where they appear.” So e.g. a group *CR̥hC could be pronounced in DIE with one vowel, *CR°hC or *C°RhC, or with two, *C°R°hC, *C°Rh°C, or *CR°h°C.

Compounds with sonorants like *CR̥C, *RR̥V, *TRV, and *SMV among others are known to behave differently even within the same languages and proto-languages[Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010]. It is only natural that DIE or NWIE groups that should be traced back to *CRV and *VRC could similarly show unstable outputs that confound any attempt to obtain a stable sound law. That ‘instability’ solution could account for all variants found in the different branches, and within them.

Different outputs are proposed for *CRH groups before certain vowels[Lubotsky 1997]: “It is clear that the “short” reflexes are due to laryngeal loss in an unaccented position, but the chronology of this loss is not easy to determine. If the laryngeal loss had already occurred in PIIr., we have to assume that PIIr. *CruV subsequently yielded CurvV in Sanskrit. The major problem we face is that the evidence for the phonetically regular outcome of *CriV and *CruV in Indo-Iranian is meager and partly conflicting.”

=== Cogwill’s law ===

The contentious Cogwill’s law seems to be a late, independent development reconstructed for three Proto-Germanic forms, whereby *h₃ and possibly *h₂ would turn into Proto-Germanic *k when directly preceded by a sonorant and followed by *w. This would need an evolution CIE *h₃ʷ → *gʷ that remains only in Germanic, and is as such a poor explanation of these few peculiar developments.

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Adrados, Bernabé, and Mendoza 2010] Adrados, F.R., A. Bernabé, and J. Mendoza. 2010. Manual of Indo-European Linguistics I. Edited by P. Swiggers. 3 vols. Vol. 1, Orbis Supplementa. Leuven: Peeters.

* [*Anthony 2007] Anthony, David W. 2007. The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.

* [*Beekes 1982] Beekes, Robert S.P. 1982. On laryngeals and pronouns. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 96 (2):200-232.

* [*Beekes 1988] Beekes, Robert S.P. 1988. PIE. RHC- in Greek and other languages. Indogermanische Forschungen. 93:22–45.

* [*Beekes 2011] Beekes, Robert S.P. 2011. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An introduction. 2nd ed. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

* [*Beguš 2015] Beguš, Gašper. 2015. A New Rule in Vedic Metrics. Journal of the American Oriental Society 135 (3):541-550.

* [*Bernabé 1975] Bernabé, Alberto. 1975. Resultados en griego de las raíces con dos laringales (tipo HEH-). Revista española de lingüística 5 (2):345-382.

* [*Bomhard 2004] Bomhard, Alan R. 2004. The Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals. In Per aspera ad asteriscos. Studia Indogermanica in honorem Jens Elmegård Rasmussen sexagenarii Idibus Martiis anno MMIV, edited by A. Hyllested, A. R. Jørgensen, J. H. Larsson and T. Olander. Innsbruck.

* [*Bomhard 2015] Bomhard, Alan R. 2015. A Comprehensive Introduction to Nostratic Comparative Linguistics. With special reference to Indo-European. Second revised, corrected and expanded edition (as of May 2017) ed. 4 vols. Vol. 1. Charleston, SC.

* [*Byrd 2010] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2010. Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification, Linguistics Faculty, University of California, Los Angeles.

* [*Collinge 1970] Collinge, N. E. 1970. The Indo-European Laryngeals. The Hague: Collectanea Linguistica: Essqysin General and Genetic Linguistics.

* [*Connolly 1980] Connolly, L. A. 1980. "Grammatischer Wechsel" and the Laryngeal Theory. Indogermanische Forschungen. Indogermanische Forschungen 85:96.

* [*Darden 1990] Darden, Bill J. 1990. Laryngeals and Syllabicity in Balto-Slavic and Indo-European. CLS 26 (2):61-70.

* [*De Decker 2014] De Decker, Filip. 2014. Some ettymological and morphological observations on the *h2o problem. Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia 19:43-57.

* [*Fortson 2010] Fortson, Benjamin W. 2010. Indo-European language and culture. An Introduction. 2 ed. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

* [*Garnier 2015] Garnier, Romain. 2015. Dérive postnéogrammairienne des analyses laryngalistes: sur la loi de Dybo en italique et en celtique. MSL.

* [*Gippert 1996] Gippert, Jost. 1996. Laryngeals and Vedic Metre. In Sound Law and Analogy. Papers in honor of Robert S.P. Beekes on the occasion of his 60th birthday, edited by A. Lubotsky. Leiden: Rodopi.

* [*Hinge 2007] Hinge, George. 2007. The authority of truth and the origin of ὅσιος and ἔτυµος (= Skt. satyá-and tūtumá-) with an excursus on pre-consonantal laryngeal loss. Greek and Latin from an Indo-European Perspective:145-61.

* [*Höfler 2017] Höfler, Stefan. 2017. Observations on the palma rule. PALLAS 103:15-23.

* [*Kloekhorst 2006] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2006. Initial laryngeals in Anatolian. Historische Sprachforschung/Historical Linguistics 119:77-108.

* [*Koch 2013] Koch, John T. 2013. Out of the flow and ebb of the European Bronze Age: Heroes, Tartessos, and Celtic. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Kümmel 2014] Kümmel, Martin J. 2014. Laryngeal traces without laryngeals in Vedic metre? . In Proceedings of the 13th World Sanskrit Conference. Edinburgh, Delhi: Motilal.

* [*Ledo 2002] Ledo, F. J. 2002. La evolución *Hs>ss en hetita. Revista española de lingüística 32 (1):97-122.

* [*Lindeman 1987] Lindeman, F.O. 1987. Einführung in Die Laryngaltgheorie. Vol. 74: Universitetsforlaget.

* [*Lubotsky 1989] Lubotsky, Alexander. 1989. Against a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a. In The new sound of Indo-European: essays in phonological reconstruction, edited by T. Vennemann. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

* [*Lubotsky 1997] Lubotsky, Alexander. 1997. Sound law and analogy: papers in honor of Robert SP Beekes on the occasion of his 60th birthday. Vol. 9: Rodopi.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Mondon 2008] Mondon, Jean-François 2008. The Development of Interconsonantal Laryngeals in Classical Armenian. Historische Sprachforschung / Historical Linguistics 121:162-180.

* [*Müller 2007] Müller, Stefan. 2007. Zum Germanischen aus laryngaltheoretischer Sicht : mit einer Einführung in die Grundlagen [der Laryngaltheorie]. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter.

* [*Nussbaum 1997] Nussbaum, Alan J. 1997. The" Saussure Eifect" in Latin and Italic." Sound Law and Analogy. In Papers in Honor of Robert SP Beekes on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday, edited by A. Lubotsky. Amsterdam: Rodopi.

* [*Pinault 1982] Pinault, Georges-Jean. 1982. A neglected phonetic law : the reduction of the Indo-European laryngeals in internal syllables before yod. In Papers from the 5th International Conference on Historical Linguistics (Galway, April 1981), edited by A. Ahlqvist. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 3rd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*Ringe 2006] Ringe, D. 2006. A Linguistic History of English: Volume I, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. Edited by D. Ringe. 2 vols. Vol. 1, A Linguistic History of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Schrijver 1991] Schrijver, Peter. 1991. The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Latin. Amsterdam & Atlanta: Rodopi.

* [*Szemerényi 1967] Szemerényi, Oswald J.L. 1967. The New Look of Indo-European: Reconstruction and Typology. Phonetica 17:65-99.

* [*Szemerényi 1999] Szemerényi, Oswald J.L. 1999. Introduction to Indo-European Linguistics. Oxford: OUP.

* [*van Beek 2011] van Beek, Lucien. 2011. The “Saussure effect” in Greek: a reinterpretation of the evidence. JIES 31 (1 & 2):129-175.

* [*Weiss 2016] Weiss, Michael. 2016. The Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals and the Name of Cilicia in the Iron Age. In Tavet Tat Satyam. Studies in Honor of Jared S. Klein on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, edited by A. M. Byrd, J. DeLisi and M. Wenthe. Ann Arbor, New York: Beech Stave Press.

* [*Woodhouse 2011] Woodhouse, R. 2011. Lubotsky's and Beekes' laws, PIE *(H)r,*(H)i(V)-,*a and some other laryngeal matters. Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia 16:151-187.

* [*Yamazaki 2009] Yamazaki, Yoko. 2009. The Saussure Effect in Lithuanian. JIES 37 (3):430-461.

* [*Zair 2012] Zair, Nicholas. 2012. The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic. Edited by H. C. Melchert and O. Hackstein. Vol. 7, Brill's Studies in Indo-European Languages & Linguistics. Leiden & Boston: Brill.

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Laryngeals

2017-10-31T09:40:11Z

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Today, the reconstruction of consonantal sounds to explain what was reconstructed before as uncertain vocalic schwa indogermanicum or schwa primum is firmly accepted in Indo-European (IE) studies in general, and there is a general agreement on where laryngeals should be reconstructed[Keiler 1970].

Even the number and quality of those laryngeals is today a field of common agreement, although alternative number of laryngeals and proposals for their actual phonemic value do actually exist. Reconstructed laryngeals are valid only for the oldest reconstructible stage using comparative grammar, i.e. Middle Proto-Indo-European or Proto-Indo-Hittite[Kloekhorst 2016][Schmidt 2011][Jasanoff 2003]<ref>Proposed first by Sturtevant[Sturtevant 1942] the condition of Anatolian as an archaic language “sister” to Indo-European from an Indo-Hittite parent language, this is still rejected by some scholars[Joseph 2000][Kazaryan 2017].</ref>, and potentially also Indo-Uralic[Hyllested 2009][Kloekhorst 2008].

These laryngeals are in most cases notated as *h₁, *h₂, *h₃ but sometimes also with their assumed realization *ha, *he, *ho, or phonetic inventory, *ʔ/*h, *χ, *ʕʷ. A more traditional representation is found in *a₁, *a₂, *a₃, or *ə₁, *ə₂, *ə₃. Sometimes, a vocalic quality is assumed, *Ae, *Ee, *Oe.

Their evolution during Late Proto-Indo-European (LIE), after the separation of Anatolian, is often assumed as a loss or deletion with certain common outputs in the daughter branches or proto-languages[Adrados 1998][Bomhard 2015][Koch 2013]. However, it has also been stated that the three laryngeals might have survived until the final phase of LIE[Rasmussen 1999]. A certain support is found for the survival of laryngeals until after the separation[Cogwill 1960], but the general view is that they disappeared completely, leaving only indirect traces in historical languages[Sanker 2015].

As Clackson[Clackson 2007] sums up: “Particularly puzzling is the paradox that laryngeals are lost nearly everywhere, in ways that are strikingly similar, yet apparently unique to each language branch. We can of course assume some common developments already within PIE, such as the effect of the laryngeals *h₂ and *h₃ to change a neighbouring *e to *a or *o, but the actual loss of laryngeals must be assumed to have taken place separately after the break-up of the parent language (…) it would have seemed a plausible assumption that the retention of *h₂, and possibly also *h₁ and *h₃, is an archaism of Anatolian, and the loss of the laryngeals was made in common by the other languages.”

Chronologically, there is no commonly agreed scheme as to the maintenance of laryngeals in daughter languages. Whereas there is some common ground whereby laryngeals were lost by the time when Late Indo-European languages were written down[Rasmussen 1999][Sukač 2014], its survival has been supported for certain late proto-languages, e.g. for Slavic as late as Charlemagne’s times[Kortlandt 1975].

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Bomhard 2015] Bomhard, Allan R. 2015. A Comprehensive Introduction to Nostratic Comparative Linguistics. With special reference to Indo-European. Second revised, corrected and expanded edition (as of May 2017) ed. 4 vols. Vol. 1. Charleston, SC.

* [*Clackson 2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*Cogwill 1960] Cogwill, Warren. 1960. Greek ou and Armenian oč. Language 36 (3):347-350.

* [*Hyllested 2009] Hyllested, Adam. 2009. Internal reconstruction vs. external comparison: the case of the Indo-Uralic larnygeals. In Internal reconstruction in Indo-European: Methods, results and problems. Section papers from the XVIth International Conference on Historical Linguistics held at the University of Copenhagen, edited by J. E. Rasmussen and T. Olander. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum.

* [*Jasanoff 2003] Jasanoff, Jay H. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European Verb. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

* [*Joseph 2000] Joseph, B. D. 2000. Hittite andurza “inside, indoors” and the Indo-Hittite Hypothesis. In The Asia Minor Connexon: Studies on the Pre-Greek Languages in Memory of Charles Carter, edited by Y. L. Arbeitman. Chicago: Peeters Publishers.

* [*Kazaryan 2017] Kazaryan, V. K. 2017. The Tense/Aspect system of the Indo-European verb and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis. Paper read at Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology - XXI Proceedings of the 21st Conference in Memory of Professor Joseph M. Tronsky, 26–28 June, 2017, at St. Petersburg.

* [*Keiler 1970] Keiler, Allan R. 1970. A phonological study of the Indo-European laryngeals. Edited by C. H. van Schooneveld. Vol. 76, Janua Linguarum. Studia memoriae Nicolai van Wijk dedicata. The Hague / Paris: Mouton.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Some Indo-Uralic Aspects of Hittite. JIES 36 (1 & 2).

* [*Kloekhorst 2016] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2016. The Anatolian stop system and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis. In Indogermanische Forschungen.

* [*Koch 2013] Koch, John T. 2013. Out of the flow and ebb of the European Bronze Age: Heroes, Tartessos, and Celtic. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Kortlandt 1975] Kortlandt, Frederik. 1975. Slavic Accentuation. A Study in Relative Chronology. Lisse / Netherlands: The Peter de Ridder Press.

* [*Rasmussen 1999] Rasmussen, E. J. . 1999. Selected Papers on Indo-European Linguistics: With a Selection on Comparative Eskimo. Vol. 1, Copenhagen Studies in Indo-European. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.

* [*Sanker 2015] Sanker, Chelsea. 2015. Phonetic Features of the PIE “Laryngeals”: Evidence from Misperception Data of Modern Gutturals. In UCLA Indo-European Conference, 27th Annual Meeting. Los Angeles, California.

* [*Schmidt 2011] Schmidt, Karl Horst. 2011. Contributions from new data to the reconstruction of the proto-language. In Reconstructing Languages and Cultures, edited by E. C. Polomé and W. Winter. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.

* [*Sturtevant 1942] Sturtevant, Edgar Howard. 1942. The Indo-Hittite Laryngeals. Harvard: Linguistic society of America.

* [*Sukač 2014] Sukač, Roman. 2014. Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and Balto-Slavic Accentology. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

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==Notes==
<references />
<HarvardReferences />

Laryngeals

2017-10-31T07:32:28Z

Admin:

<div align="right">
{{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}}
</div>

Today, the reconstruction of consonantal sounds to explain what was reconstructed before as uncertain vocalic schwa indogermanicum or schwa primum is firmly accepted in Indo-European (IE) studies in general, and there is a general agreement on where laryngeals should be reconstructed[Keiler 1970].

Even the number and quality of those laryngeals is today a field of common agreement, although alternative number of laryngeals and proposals for their actual phonemic value do actually exist. Reconstructed laryngeals are valid only for the oldest reconstructible stage using comparative grammar, i.e. Middle Proto-Indo-European or Proto-Indo-Hittite[Kloekhorst 2016][Schmidt 2011][Jasanoff 2003]<ref>Proposed first by Sturtevant (1942), the condition of Anatolian as an archaic language “sister” to Indo-European is still rejected by some scholars[Joseph 2000][Kazaryan 2017].</ref>, and potentially also Indo-Uralic[Hyllested 2009][Kloekhorst 2008].

These laryngeals are in most cases notated as *h₁, *h₂, *h₃ but sometimes also with their assumed realization *ha, *he, *ho, or phonetic inventory, *ʔ/*h, *χ, *ʕʷ. A more traditional representation is found in *a₁, *a₂, *a₃, or *ə₁, *ə₂, *ə₃. Sometimes, a vocalic quality is assumed, *Ae, *Ee, *Oe.

Their evolution during Late Proto-Indo-European (LIE), after the separation of Anatolian, is often assumed as a loss or deletion with certain common outputs in the daughter branches or proto-languages[Adrados 1998][Bomhard 2015][Koch 2013]. However, it has also been stated that the three laryngeals might have survived until the final phase of LIE[Rasmussen 1999]. A certain support is found for the survival of laryngeals until after the separation[Cogwill 1960], but the general view is that they disappeared completely, leaving only indirect traces in historical languages[Sanker 2015].

As Clackson[Clackson 2007] sums up: “Particularly puzzling is the paradox that laryngeals are lost nearly everywhere, in ways that are strikingly similar, yet apparently unique to each language branch. We can of course assume some common developments already within PIE, such as the effect of the laryngeals *h₂ and *h₃ to change a neighbouring *e to *a or *o, but the actual loss of laryngeals must be assumed to have taken place separately after the break-up of the parent language (…) it would have seemed a plausible assumption that the retention of *h₂, and possibly also *h₁ and *h₃, is an archaism of Anatolian, and the loss of the laryngeals was made in common by the other languages.”

Chronologically, there is no commonly agreed scheme as to the maintenance of laryngeals in daughter languages. Whereas there is some common ground whereby laryngeals were lost by the time when Late Indo-European languages were written down[Rasmussen 1999][Sukač 2014], its survival has been supported for certain late proto-languages, e.g. for Slavic as late as Charlemagne’s times[Kortlandt 1975].

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Bomhard 2015] Bomhard, Allan R. 2015. A Comprehensive Introduction to Nostratic Comparative Linguistics. With special reference to Indo-European. Second revised, corrected and expanded edition (as of May 2017) ed. 4 vols. Vol. 1. Charleston, SC.

* [*Clackson 2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*Cogwill 1960] Cogwill, Warren. 1960. Greek ou and Armenian oč. Language 36 (3):347-350.

* [*Hyllested 2009] Hyllested, Adam. 2009. Internal reconstruction vs. external comparison: the case of the Indo-Uralic larnygeals. In Internal reconstruction in Indo-European: Methods, results and problems. Section papers from the XVIth International Conference on Historical Linguistics held at the University of Copenhagen, edited by J. E. Rasmussen and T. Olander. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum.

* [*Jasanoff 2003] Jasanoff, Jay H. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European Verb. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

* [*Joseph 2000] Joseph, B. D. 2000. Hittite andurza “inside, indoors” and the Indo-Hittite Hypothesis. In The Asia Minor Connexon: Studies on the Pre-Greek Languages in Memory of Charles Carter, edited by Y. L. Arbeitman. Chicago: Peeters Publishers.

* [*Kazaryan 2017] Kazaryan, V. K. 2017. The Tense/Aspect system of the Indo-European verb and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis. Paper read at Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology - XXI Proceedings of the 21st Conference in Memory of Professor Joseph M. Tronsky, 26–28 June, 2017, at St. Petersburg.

* [*Keiler 1970] Keiler, Allan R. 1970. A phonological study of the Indo-European laryngeals. Edited by C. H. van Schooneveld. Vol. 76, Janua Linguarum. Studia memoriae Nicolai van Wijk dedicata. The Hague / Paris: Mouton.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Some Indo-Uralic Aspects of Hittite. JIES 36 (1 & 2).

* [*Kloekhorst 2016] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2016. The Anatolian stop system and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis. In Indogermanische Forschungen.

* [*Koch 2013] Koch, John T. 2013. Out of the flow and ebb of the European Bronze Age: Heroes, Tartessos, and Celtic. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Kortlandt 1975] Kortlandt, Frederik. 1975. Slavic Accentuation. A Study in Relative Chronology. Lisse / Netherlands: The Peter de Ridder Press.

* [*Rasmussen 1999] Rasmussen, E. J. . 1999. Selected Papers on Indo-European Linguistics: With a Selection on Comparative Eskimo. Vol. 1, Copenhagen Studies in Indo-European. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.

* [*Sanker 2015] Sanker, Chelsea. 2015. Phonetic Features of the PIE “Laryngeals”: Evidence from Misperception Data of Modern Gutturals. In UCLA Indo-European Conference, 27th Annual Meeting. Los Angeles, California.

* [*Schmidt 2011] Schmidt, Karl Horst. 2011. Contributions from new data to the reconstruction of the proto-language. In Reconstructing Languages and Cultures, edited by E. C. Polomé and W. Winter. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.

* [*Sukač 2014] Sukač, Roman. 2014. Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and Balto-Slavic Accentology. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />
<HarvardReferences />

Laryngeals

2017-10-31T07:31:12Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> Today, the reconstruction of consonantal sounds to explain what was reconstructed before as uncerta..."

<div align="right">
{{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}}
</div>

Today, the reconstruction of consonantal sounds to explain what was reconstructed before as uncertain vocalic schwa indogermanicum or schwa primum is firmly accepted in Indo-European (IE) studies in general, and there is a general agreement on where laryngeals should be reconstructed[Keiler 1970].

Even the number and quality of those laryngeals is today a field of common agreement, although alternative number of laryngeals and proposals for their actual phonemic value do actually exist. Reconstructed laryngeals are valid only for the oldest reconstructible stage using comparative grammar, i.e. Middle Proto-Indo-European or Proto-Indo-Hittite[Kloekhorst 2016][Schmidt 2011][Jasanoff 2003]<ref>Proposed first by Sturtevant (1942), the condition of Anatolian as an archaic language “sister” to Indo-European is still rejected by some scholars[Joseph 2000][Kazaryan 2017].</ref>, and potentially also Indo-Uralic[Hyllested 2009][Kloekhorst 2008].

These laryngeals are in most cases notated as *h₁, *h₂, *h₃ but sometimes also with their assumed realization *ha, *he, *ho, or phonetic inventory, *ʔ/*h, *χ, *ʕʷ. A more traditional representation is found in *a₁, *a₂, *a₃, or *ə₁, *ə₂, *ə₃. Sometimes, a vocalic quality is assumed, *Ae, *Ee, *Oe.

Their evolution during Late Proto-Indo-European (LIE), after the separation of Anatolian, is often assumed as a loss or deletion with certain common outputs in the daughter branches or proto-languages[Adrados 1998][Bomhard 2015][Koch 2013]. However, it has also been stated that the three laryngeals might have survived until the final phase of LIE[Rasmussen 1999]. A certain support is found for the survival of laryngeals until after the separation[Cogwill 1960], but the general view is that they disappeared completely, leaving only indirect traces in historical languages[Sanker 2015].

As Clackson[Clackson 2007] sums up: “Particularly puzzling is the paradox that laryngeals are lost nearly everywhere, in ways that are strikingly similar, yet apparently unique to each language branch. We can of course assume some common developments already within PIE, such as the effect of the laryngeals *h₂ and *h₃ to change a neighbouring *e to *a or *o, but the actual loss of laryngeals must be assumed to have taken place separately after the break-up of the parent language (…) it would have seemed a plausible assumption that the retention of *h₂, and possibly also *h₁ and *h₃, is an archaism of Anatolian, and the loss of the laryngeals was made in common by the other languages.”

Chronologically, there is no commonly agreed scheme as to the maintenance of laryngeals in daughter languages. Whereas there is some common ground whereby laryngeals were lost by the time when Late Indo-European languages were written down[Rasmussen 1999][Sukač 2014], its survival has been supported for certain late proto-languages, e.g. for Slavic as late as Charlemagne’s times[Kortlandt 1975].

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Bomhard 2015] Bomhard, Allan R. 2015. A Comprehensive Introduction to Nostratic Comparative Linguistics. With special reference to Indo-European. Second revised, corrected and expanded edition (as of May 2017) ed. 4 vols. Vol. 1. Charleston, SC.

* [*Clackson 2007] Clackson, James. 2007. Indo-European Linguistics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

* [*Cogwill 1960] Cogwill, Warren. 1960. Greek ou and Armenian oč. Language 36 (3):347-350.

* [*Hyllested 2009] Hyllested, Adam. 2009. Internal reconstruction vs. external comparison: the case of the Indo-Uralic larnygeals. In Internal reconstruction in Indo-European: Methods, results and problems. Section papers from the XVIth International Conference on Historical Linguistics held at the University of Copenhagen, edited by J. E. Rasmussen and T. Olander. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum.

* [*Jasanoff 2003] Jasanoff, Jay H. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European Verb. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

* [*Joseph 2000] Joseph, B. D. 2000. Hittite andurza “inside, indoors” and the Indo-Hittite Hypothesis. In The Asia Minor Connexon: Studies on the Pre-Greek Languages in Memory of Charles Carter, edited by Y. L. Arbeitman. Chicago: Peeters Publishers.

* [*Kazaryan 2017] Kazaryan, V. K. 2017. The Tense/Aspect system of the Indo-European verb and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis. Paper read at Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology - XXI Proceedings of the 21st Conference in Memory of Professor Joseph M. Tronsky, 26–28 June, 2017, at St. Petersburg.

* [*Keiler 1970] Keiler, Allan R. 1970. A phonological study of the Indo-European laryngeals. Edited by C. H. van Schooneveld. Vol. 76, Janua Linguarum. Studia memoriae Nicolai van Wijk dedicata. The Hague / Paris: Mouton.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Some Indo-Uralic Aspects of Hittite. JIES 36 (1 & 2).

* [*Kloekhorst 2016] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2016. The Anatolian stop system and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis. In Indogermanische Forschungen.

* [*Koch 2013] Koch, John T. 2013. Out of the flow and ebb of the European Bronze Age: Heroes, Tartessos, and Celtic. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Rasmussen 1999] Rasmussen, E. J. . 1999. Selected Papers on Indo-European Linguistics: With a Selection on Comparative Eskimo. Vol. 1, Copenhagen Studies in Indo-European. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press.

* [*Sanker 2015] Sanker, Chelsea. 2015. Phonetic Features of the PIE “Laryngeals”: Evidence from Misperception Data of Modern Gutturals. In UCLA Indo-European Conference, 27th Annual Meeting. Los Angeles, California.

* [*Schmidt 2011] Schmidt, Karl Horst. 2011. Contributions from new data to the reconstruction of the proto-language. In Reconstructing Languages and Cultures, edited by E. C. Polomé and W. Winter. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.

* [*Schmidt 2014] Sukač, Roman. 2014. Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and Balto-Slavic Accentology. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />
<HarvardReferences />

Old European

2017-10-31T07:07:56Z

Admin:

<div align="right">
{{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}}
</div>
Welcome to OldEuropean.org, the collaborative Wiki project for the development of the [[North-West Indo-European]] monograph.

The content of this site is based on the foundations laid out by the paper [https://indo-european.info/north-west-indo-european.pdf North-West Indo-European (PDF)].

The development of this concept of a European proto-language began rather early, with Krahe's Alteuropäisch (based on hydronymy), followed by many dialectal schemes (e.g. the one followed by Marija Gimbutas), and it was boosted by Oettinger's concept of a Nordwest-Indogermanish dialect ''continuum''. Recent genetic studies have confirmed the evolution of Yamna migrants of south-east Europe into the East Bell Beaker group, whose population expanded into central, west, north, and eastern Europe, as demonstrated in our paper [https://indo-european.info/ie/Indo-European Indo-European demic diffusion model].

Everyone can collaborate by adding relevant linguistic data, preferably from papers published in peer-review journals, or books from reputed publishers, relevant to the most likely reconstruction of the proto-language. Also encouraged is to directly link these sources, so that the reader can find important documents easily.

If you want to participate, please contact me at [mailto:cquiles@academiaprisca.org cquiles@academiaprisca.org] to create an account. Editors with significant contributions will appear as co-authors of subsequent editions of the paper.

The content is licensed under a [https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike] license, so all texts of the project can be copied and continued elsewhere, at any time.

This website is hosted by Academia Biblos as part of [https://academiaprisca.org Academia Prisca]'s Indo-European Network.

[https://indo-european.eu/maps/yamna-bell-beaker/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/yamna-bell-beaker.jpg]
''[https://indo-european.info/ie/Yamna_migration Yamna] - [https://indo-european.info/ie/Bell_Beaker_culture East Bell Beaker] migration 3000-2300 BC. Territories of the most likely homeland of North-West Indo-European proto-language. Adapted from Heyd (2007).''

Schleicher's Fable

2017-10-30T21:02:33Z

Admin:

<div class="row">
<div class="small-6 column">
'''North-West Indo-European'''

1 ó'''u̯is''' é'''ku̯ōs'''-kʷe,

2 ó'''u̯is''' '''i̯ós'''mi u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''est''';

3 é'''ku̯ons''' de'''dór'''ke,

4 tom gʷr̥h'''u̯úm''' u̯ó'''gʰom''' u̯é'''gʰon'''tm̥,

5 tom mé'''gām''' bʰó'''rom''',

6 tom '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ '''ō'''kú bʰé'''ron'''tm̥.,

7 ó'''u̯is''' éku̯o'''bʰos''' u̯eu'''kʷét''':

8 “kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' moi,

9 '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ é'''ku̯ons''' á'''gon'''tm̥ u̯idn̥'''téi'''”

10 é'''ku̯ōs''' u̯eu'''kʷónt''': “kl̥'''néu''', ó'''u̯i'''!

11 kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' nos u̯idn̥t'''bʰós''':

12 ''dʰ''gʰmōn, pó'''tis''', ó'''u̯i̯os''' u̯ĺ̥'''nām'''

13 sé'''bʰei''' '''gʷʰór'''mom '''u̯és'''trom kʷr̥'''néu'''ti.

14 ó'''u̯i̯om'''-kʷe u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''es'''ti”.

15 Tod keklu'''u̯ṓs''' ó'''u̯is''' á'''grom''' bʰu'''gét'''.

</div>
<div class="small-6 column">

'''English'''

1 The sheep and the horses.

2 A sheep that had no wool

3 saw horses;

4 one pulling a heavy wagon,

5 one carrying a big load,

6 one carrying a man quickly.

7 The sheep said to the horses:

8 “My heart pains me,

9 seeing a man driving horses.”

10 The horses said: “Listen, sheep!

11 Our hearts pain us when we see this:

12 A man, the master, makes the wool of the sheep

13 into a warm garment for himself.

14 And the sheep has no wool.”

15 Having heard this, the sheep fled into the plain
</div>

A recitation of the text is available on [https://youtu.be/_6ne-xvC0TU Youtube].

{{#evt:
service=youtube
|id=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_6ne-xvC0TU
|alignment=center
}}

Certain potentially controversial selections have been made:

* As in other tonal languages<ref>Just like Mandarin Chinese, PIE must have had both stress and pitch accent. Both were important, since some syllables must have had more prominence than others, and high pitch seems to have been more prominent – vowel length appears in most Anatolian words on PIE stressed syllable[DeLisi 2013]. As a rule of thumb – as e.g. in the reconstructed Ancient Greek pronunciation, in Arabic, or in the Sezer stress pattern in Turkish –, syllable weight (the length of the syllable) marks the stress of words in this rendition of the fable. Whenever possible, then, syllables that include a long vowel or a diphthong (CVV) and those with more than one consonant (CVCC) are stressed. If in conflict, those with a combination of both (CVVCC) are probably the stressed ones.</ref>, stress accent has been placed on heavy syllables during recitation, and these are marked in bold.

*For laryngeals and vocalism, see below. For *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' < **''h₂/₃u̯ĺ̥h₁-neh₂'', two possible results in NWIE were *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' / *''uhlā́nā''. Because of O.Ind. ''ū́rṇā''-, a pronunciation *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' is selected.

*For *''eku̯ons'', probably from an older **''eku̯o-m-s'' formed by the accusative singular ending *-''m'' and plural ending *-''s'', cf. *-''ms'' in Anatolian[Kloekhorst 2008]. An older form for ‘horse’ is found in Anatolian **''eku-m-s'', cf. Hitt. ekku-[Kortlandt 2013] – the likely general development in LIE (and certainly in NWIE) has been selected, though.

* *''dedórke'' carries the accent on the root, as usually reconstructed following Indo-Iranian examples[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The alternative *''dédorke'' is also possible. The more commonly reconstructed term for the fable, *''woide'', originally a perfect of *''weid''-, ‘see’, had already by LIE adopted a slightly different meaning, ‘know’, potentially from a previous ‘state derived of having seen’ (?).

*The accusative *''tom'' has been used, instead of the nominative *''so'', because they are the objects (acc. *''éku̯ons'') seen. However, the use of nominative *''so'' would also be right, especially from a historical point of view, when it was not yet inflected – like uninflected *''i'' instead of *''i̯ós''-[Kortlandt 2010].

* *''mégā'' has been declined following LIE and NWIE examples, although it has been proposed that it was indeclinable in earlier times[Pooth 2017].

*For *''dʰgʰmon''-: There seems to be a trend toward simplification of the initial phoneme in this cluster in NWIE, hence the pronunciation *''gʰmon''-; cf. O.Lat. ''hemō'' (Osc. ''humuns'', Umbr. ''homonus''), Gmc. *''gum-an-'', Bal. *''ǯmō̃'' (O. Lith. ''žmuõ'', O. Pruss. ''smoy''). A different reduction is found in O.Ir. duine < *''don-i̯os'', probably from metathesised form *''gdon-i̯os'' < **''gʰdʰmon-i̯os''.

** The other common LIE word used to translate ‘man’ in the fable, *''ner''-, is not used here because of its more specialised use in NWIE as ‘manly, strong’ mainly in archaisms, cf. Italo-Celtic *''ner''- (as Lat. ''neriōsus'', O.Ir. ''nert''), Gmc. *''ner''- (OHG ''Nerthus''), Bal. *''ner-/nor-'' (Lith. ''Nertėti'', O.Pruss. ''nertien'').

*Obliques in *-''bʰ''- have been used, following the Italo-Celtic and Graeco-Aryan examples, against *-''m''- found in Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which is potentially influenced by a common substrate to both languages (see [[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]). The pronunciation of *-''bʰ''- in *''u̯idn̥tbʰós'' seems to be compelled by the preceding *-''t''- to be in *-''pʰos'' or *-''ɸos'', although an effort is made to pronounce it in a phonemically correct way.

*Aorists are reconstructed without augment in *''é-'', proper of Graeco-Aryan[Meier-Brügger 2003].

*Nominative *''kērd'' is reconstructed with a *-''d'' at the end, although it was possibly mute[Ringe 2006].

*Middle-passives are reconstructed in *-''r'', following the generalised belief of its older nature – as a primary ending in Anatolian and Tocharian –, and its reconstruction for Italo-Celtic, as well as remains with impersonal value in Germanic.

*For present stem *''kl̥néu''-/''kl̥nu''-, ‘hear’, cf. O.Ir. ''ro-cluinethar'', Toch. B ''kalneṃ'', A ''kälniñc'', and also Skt. ''śr̥ṇóti'', Av. ''surunaoiti''. For verbal stem *''klu''-, frequently used when reconstructing the fable, the original meaning appears to be ‘be named, be renown’, cf. Av. ''sruiiē'', ‘be famous’, Lat. ''clueō'', ‘be named, be famous’, S.Picene ''kduíú'', ‘be named’[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The optional imperative suffix *-''dʰí'' is not used.

*Voiced consonants at the end of syllable (such as *-''d'', *-''gʰ''-, etc.) are pronounced voiced, because LIE or NWIE did not have final obstruent devoicing as a rule[Byrd 2010]. However, there are certain known cases of regressive assimilation, such as *DT→*TT, hence *''tod'' in the last sentence may be more exactly pronounced as *''tot-kekluu̯ṓs''.

*We have selected the form *''ágros''[Ringe 2006][Nikolaev 2009] over the more ‘traditional’ *''agrós''.

== References ==

* [*Byrd 2010] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2010. Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification, Linguistics Faculty, University of California, Los Angeles.

* [*DeLisi 2013] DeLisi, Jessica. 2013. Notes on Indo-European Linguistics. In Derived primarily from lecture notes from Indo-European Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax classes taught at UCLA by H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine from 2008-2009.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Edited by A. Lubotsky, Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

* [*Kortlandt 2010] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2010. Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi.

* [*Kortlandt 2013] Repeated Author. 2013. Schleicher's fable edited by L. University.

* [*Kümmel et al. 2001] Kümmel, M., Th. Zehnder, R. Lipp, and B. Schirmer. 2001. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen (LIV). Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Nikolaev 2009] Nikolaev, Alexander. 2009. The Germanic word for ‘sword’ and delocatival derivation in Proto-Indo-European. Journal of Indo-European Studies 37 (3/4):461-488.

* [*Pooth 2017] Pooth, Roland A. 2017. Proto-Indo-European Nominal Morphology. Part 2. Adjectives. Language Arts 5 (version 2017 APR 21).

* [*Ringe 2006] Ringe, D. 2006. A Linguistic History of English: Volume I, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. Edited by D. Ringe. 2 vols. Vol. 1, A Linguistic History of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />

Laryngeal loss and vocalism

2017-10-30T20:36:16Z

Admin: Created page with "<div align="right"> {{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}} </div> == Abstract == ''The loss of Proto-Indo-European laryngeals is often described as multiple indepen..."

Schleicher's Fable

2017-10-30T19:58:24Z

Admin:

<div class="row">
<div class="small-6 column">
'''North-West Indo-European'''

1 ó'''u̯is''' é'''ku̯ōs'''-kʷe,

2 ó'''u̯is''' '''i̯ós'''mi u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''est''';

3 é'''ku̯ons''' de'''dór'''ke,

4 tom gʷr̥h'''u̯úm''' u̯ó'''gʰom''' u̯é'''gʰon'''tm̥,

5 tom mé'''gām''' bʰó'''rom''',

6 tom '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ '''ō'''kú bʰé'''ron'''tm̥.,

7 ó'''u̯is''' éku̯o'''bʰos''' u̯eu'''kʷét''':

8 “kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' moi,

9 '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ é'''ku̯ons''' á'''gon'''tm̥ u̯idn̥'''téi'''”

10 é'''ku̯ōs''' u̯eu'''kʷónt''': “kl̥'''néu''', ó'''u̯i'''!

11 kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' nos u̯idn̥t'''bʰós''':

12 ''dʰ''gʰmōn, pó'''tis''', ó'''u̯i̯os''' u̯ĺ̥'''nām'''

13 sé'''bʰei''' '''gʷʰór'''mom '''u̯és'''trom kʷr̥'''néu'''ti.

14 ó'''u̯i̯om'''-kʷe u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''es'''ti”.

15 Tod keklu'''u̯ṓs''' ó'''u̯is''' á'''grom''' bʰu'''gét'''.

</div>
<div class="small-6 column">

'''English'''

1 The sheep and the horses.

2 A sheep that had no wool

3 saw horses;

4 one pulling a heavy wagon,

5 one carrying a big load,

6 one carrying a man quickly.

7 The sheep said to the horses:

8 “My heart pains me,

9 seeing a man driving horses.”

10 The horses said: “Listen, sheep!

11 Our hearts pain us when we see this:

12 A man, the master, makes the wool of the sheep

13 into a warm garment for himself.

14 And the sheep has no wool.”

15 Having heard this, the sheep fled into the plain
</div>

A recitation of the text is available on [https://youtu.be/_6ne-xvC0TU Youtube].

{{#evt:
service=youtube
|id=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_6ne-xvC0TU
|alignment=center
}}

Certain potentially controversial selections have been made:

* As in other tonal languages<ref>Just like Mandarin Chinese, PIE must have had both stress and pitch accent. Both were important, since some syllables must have had more prominence than others, and high pitch seems to have been more prominent – vowel length appears in most Anatolian words on PIE stressed syllable[DeLisi 2013]. As a rule of thumb – as e.g. in the reconstructed Ancient Greek pronunciation, in Arabic, or in the Sezer stress pattern in Turkish –, syllable weight (the length of the syllable) marks the stress of words in this rendition of the fable. Whenever possible, then, syllables that include a long vowel or a diphthong (CVV) and those with more than one consonant (CVCC) are stressed. If in conflict, those with a combination of both (CVVCC) are probably the stressed ones.</ref>, stress accent has been placed on heavy syllables during recitation, and these are marked in bold.

*For laryngeals and vocalism, see below. For *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' < **''h₂/₃u̯ĺ̥h₁-neh₂'', two possible results in NWIE were *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' / *''uhlā́nā''. Because of O.Ind. ''ū́rṇā''-, a pronunciation *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' is selected.

*For *''eku̯ons'', probably from an older **''eku̯o-m-s'' formed by the accusative singular ending *-''m'' and plural ending *-''s'', cf. *-''ms'' in Anatolian[Kloekhorst 2008]. An older form for ‘horse’ is found in Anatolian **''eku-m-s'', cf. Hitt. ekku-[Kortlandt 2013] – the likely general development in LIE (and certainly in NWIE) has been selected, though.

* *''dedórke'' carries the accent on the root, as usually reconstructed following Indo-Iranian examples[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The alternative *''dédorke'' is also possible. The more commonly reconstructed term for the fable, *''woide'', originally a perfect of *''weid''-, ‘see’, had already by LIE adopted a slightly different meaning, ‘know’, potentially from a previous ‘state derived of having seen’ (?).

*The accusative *''tom'' has been used, instead of the nominative *''so'', because they are the objects (acc. *''éku̯ons'') seen. However, the use of nominative *''so'' would also be right, especially from a historical point of view, when it was not yet inflected – like uninflected *''i'' instead of *''i̯ós''-[Kortlandt 2010].

* *''mégā'' has been declined following LIE and NWIE examples, although it has been proposed that it was indeclinable in earlier times[Pooth 2017].

*For *''dʰgʰmon''-: There seems to be a trend toward simplification of the initial phoneme in this cluster in NWIE, hence the pronunciation *''gʰmon''-; cf. O.Lat. ''hemō'' (Osc. ''humuns'', Umbr. ''homonus''), Gmc. *''gum-an-'', Bal. *''ǯmō̃'' (O. Lith. ''žmuõ'', O. Pruss. ''smoy''). A different reduction is found in O.Ir. duine < *''don-i̯os'', probably from metathesised form *''gdon-i̯os'' < **''gʰdʰmon-i̯os''.

** The other common LIE word used to translate ‘man’ in the fable, *''ner''-, is not used here because of its more specialised use in NWIE as ‘manly, strong’ mainly in archaisms, cf. Italo-Celtic *''ner''- (as Lat. ''neriōsus'', O.Ir. ''nert''), Gmc. *''ner''- (OHG ''Nerthus''), Bal. *''ner-/nor-'' (Lith. ''Nertėti'', O.Pruss. ''nertien'').

*Obliques in *-''bʰ''- have been used, following the Italo-Celtic and Graeco-Aryan examples, against *-''m''- found in Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which is potentially influenced by a common substrate to both languages (see [[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]). The pronunciation of *-''bʰ''- in *''u̯idn̥tbʰós'' seems to be compelled by the preceding *-''t''- to be in *-''pʰos'' or *-''ɸos'', although an effort is made to pronounce it in a phonemically correct way.

*Aorists are reconstructed without augment in *''é-'', proper of Graeco-Aryan[Meier-Brügger 2003].

*Nominative *''kērd'' is reconstructed with a *-''d'' at the end, although it was possibly mute[Ringe 2006].

*Middle-passives are reconstructed in *-''r'', following the generalised belief of its older nature – as a primary ending in Anatolian and Tocharian –, and its reconstruction for Italo-Celtic, as well as remains with impersonal value in Germanic.

*For present stem *''kl̥néu''-/''kl̥nu''-, ‘hear’, cf. O.Ir. ''ro-cluinethar'', Toch. B ''kalneṃ'', A ''kälniñc'', and also Skt. ''śr̥ṇóti'', Av. ''surunaoiti''. For verbal stem *''klu''-, frequently used when reconstructing the fable, the original meaning appears to be ‘be named, be renown’, cf. Av. ''sruiiē'', ‘be famous’, Lat. ''clueō'', ‘be named, be famous’, S.Picene ''kduíú'', ‘be named’[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The optional imperative suffix *-''dʰí'' is not used.

*Voiced consonants at the end of syllable (such as *-''d'', *-''gʰ''-, etc.) are pronounced voiced, because LIE or NWIE did not have final obstruent devoicing as a rule[Byrd 2010]. However, there are certain known cases of regressive assimilation, such as *DT→*TT, hence *''tod'' in the last sentence may be more exactly pronounced as *''tot-kekluu̯ṓs''.

*We have selected the form *''ágros''[Ringe 2006][Nikolaev 2009] over the more ‘traditional’ *''agrós''.

== References ==

* [*Byrd 2010] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2010. Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification, Linguistics Faculty, University of California, Los Angeles.

* [*DeLisi 2013] DeLisi, Jessica. 2013. Notes on Indo-European Linguistics. In Derived primarily from lecture notes from Indo-European Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax classes taught at UCLA by H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine from 2008-2009.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Edited by A. Lubotsky, Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

* [*Kortlandt 2010] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2010. Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi.

* [*Kortlandt 2013] Repeated Author. 2013. Schleicher's fable edited by L. University.

* [*Kümmel et al. 2001] Kümmel, M., Th. Zehnder, R. Lipp, and B. Schirmer. 2001. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen (LIV). Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Nikolaev 2009] Nikolaev, Alexander. 2009. The Germanic word for ‘sword’ and delocatival derivation in Proto-Indo-European. Journal of Indo-European Studies 37 (3/4):461-488.

* [*Pooth 2017] Pooth, Roland A. 2017. Proto-Indo-European Nominal Morphology. Part 2. Adjectives. Language Arts 5 (version 2017 APR 21).

* [*Ringe 2006] Ringe, D. 2006. A Linguistic History of English: Volume I, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. Edited by D. Ringe. 2 vols. Vol. 1, A Linguistic History of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />

Schleicher's Fable

2017-10-30T19:52:23Z

Admin: Created page with "<div class="row"> <div class="small-6 column"> '''North-West Indo-European''' 1 ó'''u̯is''' é'''ku̯ōs'''-kʷe, 2 ó'..."

<div class="row">
<div class="small-6 column">
'''North-West Indo-European'''

1 ó'''u̯is''' é'''ku̯ōs'''-kʷe,

2 ó'''u̯is''' '''i̯ós'''mi u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''est''';

3 é'''ku̯ons''' de'''dór'''ke,

4 tom gʷr̥h'''u̯úm''' u̯ó'''gʰom''' u̯é'''gʰon'''tm̥,

5 tom mé'''gām''' bʰó'''rom''',

6 tom '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ '''ō'''kú bʰé'''ron'''tm̥.,

7 ó'''u̯is''' éku̯o'''bʰos''' u̯eu'''kʷét''':

8 “kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' moi,

9 '''''dʰ''gʰmón'''m̥ é'''ku̯ons''' á'''gon'''tm̥ u̯idn̥'''téi'''”

10 é'''ku̯ōs''' u̯eu'''kʷónt''': “kl̥'''néu''', ó'''u̯i'''!

11 kērd ágʰnu'''tor''' nos u̯idn̥t'''bʰós''':

12 ''dʰ''gʰmōn, pó'''tis''', ó'''u̯i̯os''' u̯ĺ̥'''nām'''

13 sé'''bʰei''' '''gʷʰór'''mom '''u̯és'''trom kʷr̥'''néu'''ti.

14 ó'''u̯i̯om'''-kʷe u̯ĺ̥'''nā''' né '''es'''ti”.

15 Tod keklu'''u̯ṓs''' ó'''u̯is''' á'''grom''' bʰu'''gét'''.

</div>
<div class="small-6 column">

'''English'''

1 The sheep and the horses.

2 A sheep that had no wool

3 saw horses;

4 one pulling a heavy wagon,

5 one carrying a big load,

6 one carrying a man quickly.

7 The sheep said to the horses:

8 “My heart pains me,

9 seeing a man driving horses.”

10 The horses said: “Listen, sheep!

11 Our hearts pain us when we see this:

12 A man, the master, makes the wool of the sheep

13 into a warm garment for himself.

14 And the sheep has no wool.”

15 Having heard this, the sheep fled into the plain
</div>

A recitation of the text is available on [https://youtu.be/_6ne-xvC0TU Youtube].

{{#evt:
service=youtube
|id=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_6ne-xvC0TU
|alignment=center
}}

Certain potentially controversial selections have been made:

* As in other tonal languages<ref>Just like Mandarin Chinese, PIE must have had both stress and pitch accent. Both were important, since some syllables must have had more prominence than others, and high pitch seems to have been more prominent – vowel length appears in most Anatolian words on PIE stressed syllable[DeLisi 2013]. As a rule of thumb – as e.g. in the reconstructed Ancient Greek pronunciation, in Arabic, or in the Sezer stress pattern in Turkish –, syllable weight (the length of the syllable) marks the stress of words in this rendition of the fable. Whenever possible, then, syllables that include a long vowel or a diphthong (CVV) and those with more than one consonant (CVCC) are stressed. If in conflict, those with a combination of both (CVVCC) are probably the stressed ones.</ref>, stress accent has been placed on heavy syllables during recitation, and these are marked in bold.

*For laryngeals and vocalism, see below. For *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' < **''h2/3u̯ĺ̥h1-neh2'', two possible results in NWIE were *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' / *''uhlā́nā''. Because of O.Ind. ''ū́rṇā''-, a pronunciation *''u̯ĺ̥nā'' is selected.

*For *''eku̯ons'', probably from an older **''eku̯o-m-s'' formed by the accusative singular ending *-''m'' and plural ending *-''s'', cf. *-''ms'' in Anatolian[Kloekhorst 2008]. An older form for ‘horse’ is found in Anatolian **''eku-m-s'', cf. Hitt. ekku-[Kortlandt 2013] – the likely general development in LIE (and certainly in NWIE) has been selected, though.

* *''dedórke'' carries the accent on the root, as usually reconstructed following Indo-Iranian examples[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The alternative *''dédorke'' is also possible. The more commonly reconstructed term for the fable, *''woide'', originally a perfect of *''weid''-, ‘see’, had already by LIE adopted a slightly different meaning, ‘know’, potentially from a previous ‘state derived of having seen’ (?).

*The accusative *''tom'' has been used, instead of the nominative *''so'', because they are the objects (acc. *''éku̯ons'') seen. However, the use of nominative *''so'' would also be right, especially from a historical point of view, when it was not yet inflected – like uninflected *''i'' instead of *''i̯ós''-[Kortlandt 2010].

* *''mégā'' has been declined following LIE and NWIE examples, although it has been proposed that it was indeclinable in earlier times[Pooth 2017].

*For *''dʰgʰmon''-: There seems to be a trend toward simplification of the initial phoneme in this cluster in NWIE, hence the pronunciation *''gʰmon''-; cf. O.Lat. ''hemō'' (Osc. ''humuns'', Umbr. ''homonus''), Gmc. *''gum-an-'', Bal. *''ǯmō̃'' (O. Lith. ''žmuõ'', O. Pruss. ''smoy''). A different reduction is found in O.Ir. duine < *''don-i̯os'', probably from metathesised form *''gdon-i̯os'' < **''gʰdʰmon-i̯os''.

**The other common LIE word used to translate ‘man’ in the fable, *''ner''-, is not used here because of its more specialised use in NWIE as ‘manly, strong’ mainly in archaisms, cf. Italo-Celtic *''ner''- (as Lat. ''neriōsus'', O.Ir. ''nert''), Gmc. *''ner''- (OHG ''Nerthus''), Bal. *''ner-/nor-'' (Lith. ''Nertėti'', O.Pruss. ''nertien'').

*Obliques in *-''bh''- have been used, following the Italo-Celtic and Graeco-Aryan examples, against *-''m''- found in Germanic and Balto-Slavic, which is potentially influenced by a common substrate to both languages (see [[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]). The pronunciation of *-''bh''- in *u̯idn̥tbhós seems to be compelled by the preceding *-''t''- to be in *-''phos'' or *-''ɸos'', although an effort is made to pronounce it in a phonemically correct way.

*Aorists are reconstructed without augment in *''é-'', proper of Graeco-Aryan[Meier-Brügger 2003].

*Nominative *''kērd'' is reconstructed with a *-''d'' at the end, although it was possibly mute[Ringe 2006].

*Middle-passives are reconstructed in *-''r'', following the generalised belief of its older nature – as a primary ending in Anatolian and Tocharian –, and its reconstruction for Italo-Celtic, as well as remains with impersonal value in Germanic.

*For present stem *''kl̥néu''-/''kl̥nu''-, ‘hear’, cf. O.Ir. ''ro-cluinethar'', Toch. B ''kalneṃ'', A ''kälniñc'', and also Skt. ''śr̥ṇóti'', Av. ''surunaoiti''. For verbal stem *''klu''-, frequently used when reconstructing the fable, the original meaning appears to be ‘be named, be renown’, cf. Av. ''sruiiē'', ‘be famous’, Lat. ''clueō'', ‘be named, be famous’, S.Picene ''kduíú'', ‘be named’[Kümmel et al. 2001]. The optional imperative suffix *-''dhí'' is not used.

*Voiced consonants at the end of syllable (such as *-''d'', *-''gh''-, etc.) are pronounced voiced, because LIE or NWIE did not have final obstruent devoicing as a rule[Byrd 2010]. However, there are certain known cases of regressive assimilation, such as *DT→*TT, hence *''tod'' in the last sentence may be more exactly pronounced as *''tot-kekluu̯ṓs''.

*We have selected the form *''ágros''[Ringe 2006][Nikolaev 2009] over the more ‘traditional’ *''agrós''.

== References ==

* [*Byrd 2010] Byrd, Andrew Miles. 2010. Reconstructing Indo-European Syllabification, Linguistics Faculty, University of California, Los Angeles.

* [*DeLisi 2013] DeLisi, Jessica. 2013. Notes on Indo-European Linguistics. In Derived primarily from lecture notes from Indo-European Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax classes taught at UCLA by H. Craig Melchert and Brent Vine from 2008-2009.

* [*Kloekhorst 2008] Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Edited by A. Lubotsky, Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Leiden / Boston: Brill.

* [*Kortlandt 2010] Kortlandt, Frederik. 2010. Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi.

* [*Kortlandt 2013] Repeated Author. 2013. Schleicher's fable edited by L. University.

* [*Kümmel et al. 2001] Kümmel, M., Th. Zehnder, R. Lipp, and B. Schirmer. 2001. Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen (LIV). Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag.

* [*Meier-Brügger 2003] Meier-Brügger, Michael. 2003. Indo-European Linguistics. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

* [*Nikolaev 2009] Nikolaev, Alexander. 2009. The Germanic word for ‘sword’ and delocatival derivation in Proto-Indo-European. Journal of Indo-European Studies 37 (3/4):461-488.

* [*Pooth 2017] Pooth, Roland A. 2017. Proto-Indo-European Nominal Morphology. Part 2. Adjectives. Language Arts 5 (version 2017 APR 21).

* [*Ringe 2006] Ringe, D. 2006. A Linguistic History of English: Volume I, From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. Edited by D. Ringe. 2 vols. Vol. 1, A Linguistic History of English. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

<HarvardReferences />

==Notes==
<references />

North-West Indo-European

2017-10-30T19:00:34Z

Admin:

<div align="right">
{{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}}
</div>
A common North-West Indo-European (NWIE) group is being increasingly accepted in the literature[Oettinger 1997][Oettinger 2003][Adrados 1998][Mallory and Adams 2007][Mallory 2013][Beekes 2011]. Genetic research indicates that there was an Indo-European-speaking community in close contact in the East Bell Beaker group, evolved from western Yamna migrants ca. 2500 BC.

This group expanded successfully in a short period into wide territories of western, northern, and eastern Europe, territories whose languages later evolved into Celtic, Italic, and Germanic, and probably Balto-Slavic (or its substrate language, ‘Temematic’), thus allowing for certain innovations to spread between these languages[Harrison and Heyd 2007][Mallory 2013][Quiles 2017].

The Bell Beaker territory is to some extent coincident with the one identified of Old European hydronymy[Krahe 1964][Krahe 1949][Nicolaisen 1957], a quasi-uniform name-giving system for water courses that shows Indo-European water-words and suffixes following rules of Late Proto-Indo-European word formation[Adrados 1998].

Fragmentary languages probably belonging to this group are Lusitanian (sometimes linked with Celtic) and Venetic (sometimes linked with Italic). Dubious is the nature of proposed substrate languages, like Belgian, Sorothaptic, Pre-Celtic Irish, or Pictish. Probably unrelated, from a Palaeo-Balkan group, are Messapian and Illyrian.

[https://indo-european.eu/maps/yamna-bell-beaker/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/yamna-bell-beaker.jpg]
''Yamna - East Bell Beaker migration 3000-2300 BC. Most likely homeland of the North-West Indo-European proto-language. Adapted from Heyd[Harrison and Heyd 2007] ''

Proto-Romance reconstruction, albeit quite similar to Latin[Hall 1983], is obviously an artifice, not equal to Old Latin, since the development of Romance languages happened in the wide territories where Vulgar Latin was spoken in Antiquity. Romance languages were influenced by local, regional, inter-regional, or international contacts, so that they cannot be traced back to a single ancestral language without help from historical records and internal reconstruction. However, given the close community where the original North-West Indo-European homeland must have formed (most likely in the Upper Danube, between modern Southern Germany and Budapest), we can assume that most reconstructed changes for North-West Indo-European happened during a period of a close western Yamna–Classical Bell Beaker community, before its sudden European expansion.

The reconstruction of North-West Indo-European (like the reconstruction of Late Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Hititte) should therefore not be considered a mere theoretical exercise, but a pragmatic approach to the phonetic reconstruction of a real language, spoken by a close community of people that lived during the mid-3rd millennium in a relatively small region of central Europe. During and after their expansion, close ties were kept between vast regions of the Bell Beaker culture – in contrast to the relationship with neighbouring cultures, like the Corded Ware culture – which further supports its close ethnolinguistic identification.

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/nwie-scheme-1.png]

''Abbreviations of Proto-Indo-European language stages and dialects, with names used in this work and reference to older works, including approximate date guesstimates.''

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/pie_stages.png]

''Stages of Proto-Indo-European evolution. IU: Indo-Uralic; PU: Proto-Uralic; PAn: Pre-Anatolian; PToch: Pre-Tocharian; Fin-Ugr: Finno-Ugric. The period between Balkan IE and Proto-Greek could be divided in two periods: an older one, called Proto-Greek (close to the time when NWIE was spoken), probably including Macedonian, and spoken somewhere in the Balkans; and a more recent one, called Mello-Greek, coinciding with the classically reconstructed Proto-Greek, already spoken in the Greek peninsula[West 2007]. Similarly, the period between Northern Indo-European and North-West Indo-European could be divided, after the split of Pre-Tocharian, into a North-West Indo-European proper, during the expansion of Yamna to the west, and an Old European period, coinciding with the formation and expansion of the East Bell Beaker group.''

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Anthony 2007] Anthony, D. 2007. The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.

* [*Beekes 2011] Beekes, Robert S.P. 2011. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An introduction. 2nd ed. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

* [*Hall 1983] Hall, Robert Anderson. 1983. Proto-Romance Morphology, Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.

* [*Harrison and Heyd 2007] Harrison, Richard, and Volker Heyd. 2007. The Transformation of Europe in the Third Millennium BC: the example of ‘Le Petit-Chasseur I + III’ (Sion, Valais, Switzerland). Praehistorische Zeitschrift 82 (2).

* [*Nicolaisen 1957] Nicolaisen, W. 1957. Die alteuropäischen Gewässernamen der britischen Hauptinsel. Beiträge zur Namenforschung:211-268.

* [*Krahe 1949] Krahe, H. 1949. Alteuropäische Flußnamen. Beiträge zur Namenforschung 1:24–51, 247–266 (and cont. in following volumes).

* [*Krahe 1964] Krahe, H. 1964. Unsere ältesten Flußnamen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

* [*Mallory and Adams 2007] Mallory, J., and D.Q. Adams. 2007. Reconstructing the Proto-Indo-Europeans. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Mallory 2013] Mallory, J.P. 2013. The Indo-Europeanization of Atlantic Europe. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. CUnliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Oettinger 2003] Oettinger, Norbert. 2003. Neuerungen in Lexikon und Wortbildung des Nordwest-Indogermanischen. In Languages in prehistoric Europe, edited by A. Bammesberger, M. Bieswanger, J. Grzega and T. Venneman. Heidelberg: Winter.

* [*Oettinger 1997] Oettinger, Norbert. 1997. Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Nordwest-Indogermanischen. Incontri Linguistici 20 (93-111).

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 2nd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*West 2007] West, M.L. 2007. Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
<HarvardReferences />

North-West Indo-European

2017-10-30T18:59:59Z

Admin:

<div align="right">
{{Template:Index|boxmaxwidth=30%|boxwidth=30%}}
</div>
A common North-West Indo-European (NWIE) group is being increasingly accepted in the literature[Oettinger 1997][Oettinger 2003][Adrados 1998][Mallory and Adams 2007][Mallory 2013][Beekes 2011]. Genetic research indicates that there was an Indo-European-speaking community in close contact in the East Bell Beaker group, evolved from western Yamna migrants ca. 2500 BC. This group expanded successfully in a short period into wide territories of western, northern, and eastern Europe, territories whose languages later evolved into Celtic, Italic, and Germanic, and probably Balto-Slavic (or its substrate language, ‘Temematic’), thus allowing for certain innovations to spread between these languages[Harrison and Heyd 2007][Mallory 2013][Quiles 2017].

The Bell Beaker territory is to some extent coincident with the one identified of Old European hydronymy[Krahe 1964][Krahe 1949][Nicolaisen 1957], a quasi-uniform name-giving system for water courses that shows Indo-European water-words and suffixes following rules of Late Proto-Indo-European word formation[Adrados 1998].

Fragmentary languages probably belonging to this group are Lusitanian (sometimes linked with Celtic) and Venetic (sometimes linked with Italic). Dubious is the nature of proposed substrate languages, like Belgian, Sorothaptic, Pre-Celtic Irish, or Pictish. Probably unrelated, from a Palaeo-Balkan group, are Messapian and Illyrian.

[https://indo-european.eu/maps/yamna-bell-beaker/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/yamna-bell-beaker.jpg]
''Yamna - East Bell Beaker migration 3000-2300 BC. Most likely homeland of the North-West Indo-European proto-language. Adapted from Heyd[Harrison and Heyd 2007] ''

Proto-Romance reconstruction, albeit quite similar to Latin[Hall 1983], is obviously an artifice, not equal to Old Latin, since the development of Romance languages happened in the wide territories where Vulgar Latin was spoken in Antiquity. Romance languages were influenced by local, regional, inter-regional, or international contacts, so that they cannot be traced back to a single ancestral language without help from historical records and internal reconstruction. However, given the close community where the original North-West Indo-European homeland must have formed (most likely in the Upper Danube, between modern Southern Germany and Budapest), we can assume that most reconstructed changes for North-West Indo-European happened during a period of a close western Yamna–Classical Bell Beaker community, before its sudden European expansion.

The reconstruction of North-West Indo-European (like the reconstruction of Late Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Hititte) should therefore not be considered a mere theoretical exercise, but a pragmatic approach to the phonetic reconstruction of a real language, spoken by a close community of people that lived during the mid-3rd millennium in a relatively small region of central Europe. During and after their expansion, close ties were kept between vast regions of the Bell Beaker culture – in contrast to the relationship with neighbouring cultures, like the Corded Ware culture – which further supports its close ethnolinguistic identification.

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/nwie-scheme-1.png]

''Abbreviations of Proto-Indo-European language stages and dialects, with names used in this work and reference to older works, including approximate date guesstimates.''

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/pie_stages.png]

''Stages of Proto-Indo-European evolution. IU: Indo-Uralic; PU: Proto-Uralic; PAn: Pre-Anatolian; PToch: Pre-Tocharian; Fin-Ugr: Finno-Ugric. The period between Balkan IE and Proto-Greek could be divided in two periods: an older one, called Proto-Greek (close to the time when NWIE was spoken), probably including Macedonian, and spoken somewhere in the Balkans; and a more recent one, called Mello-Greek, coinciding with the classically reconstructed Proto-Greek, already spoken in the Greek peninsula[West 2007]. Similarly, the period between Northern Indo-European and North-West Indo-European could be divided, after the split of Pre-Tocharian, into a North-West Indo-European proper, during the expansion of Yamna to the west, and an Old European period, coinciding with the formation and expansion of the East Bell Beaker group.''

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Anthony 2007] Anthony, D. 2007. The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.

* [*Beekes 2011] Beekes, Robert S.P. 2011. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An introduction. 2nd ed. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

* [*Hall 1983] Hall, Robert Anderson. 1983. Proto-Romance Morphology, Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.

* [*Harrison and Heyd 2007] Harrison, Richard, and Volker Heyd. 2007. The Transformation of Europe in the Third Millennium BC: the example of ‘Le Petit-Chasseur I + III’ (Sion, Valais, Switzerland). Praehistorische Zeitschrift 82 (2).

* [*Nicolaisen 1957] Nicolaisen, W. 1957. Die alteuropäischen Gewässernamen der britischen Hauptinsel. Beiträge zur Namenforschung:211-268.

* [*Krahe 1949] Krahe, H. 1949. Alteuropäische Flußnamen. Beiträge zur Namenforschung 1:24–51, 247–266 (and cont. in following volumes).

* [*Krahe 1964] Krahe, H. 1964. Unsere ältesten Flußnamen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

* [*Mallory and Adams 2007] Mallory, J., and D.Q. Adams. 2007. Reconstructing the Proto-Indo-Europeans. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Mallory 2013] Mallory, J.P. 2013. The Indo-Europeanization of Atlantic Europe. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. CUnliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Oettinger 2003] Oettinger, Norbert. 2003. Neuerungen in Lexikon und Wortbildung des Nordwest-Indogermanischen. In Languages in prehistoric Europe, edited by A. Bammesberger, M. Bieswanger, J. Grzega and T. Venneman. Heidelberg: Winter.

* [*Oettinger 1997] Oettinger, Norbert. 1997. Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Nordwest-Indogermanischen. Incontri Linguistici 20 (93-111).

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 2nd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*West 2007] West, M.L. 2007. Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
<HarvardReferences />

North-West Indo-European

2017-10-30T18:59:44Z

Admin:

A common North-West Indo-European (NWIE) group is being increasingly accepted in the literature[Oettinger 1997][Oettinger 2003][Adrados 1998][Mallory and Adams 2007][Mallory 2013][Beekes 2011]. Genetic research indicates that there was an Indo-European-speaking community in close contact in the East Bell Beaker group, evolved from western Yamna migrants ca. 2500 BC. This group expanded successfully in a short period into wide territories of western, northern, and eastern Europe, territories whose languages later evolved into Celtic, Italic, and Germanic, and probably Balto-Slavic (or its substrate language, ‘Temematic’), thus allowing for certain innovations to spread between these languages[Harrison and Heyd 2007][Mallory 2013][Quiles 2017].

The Bell Beaker territory is to some extent coincident with the one identified of Old European hydronymy[Krahe 1964][Krahe 1949][Nicolaisen 1957], a quasi-uniform name-giving system for water courses that shows Indo-European water-words and suffixes following rules of Late Proto-Indo-European word formation[Adrados 1998].

Fragmentary languages probably belonging to this group are Lusitanian (sometimes linked with Celtic) and Venetic (sometimes linked with Italic). Dubious is the nature of proposed substrate languages, like Belgian, Sorothaptic, Pre-Celtic Irish, or Pictish. Probably unrelated, from a Palaeo-Balkan group, are Messapian and Illyrian.

[https://indo-european.eu/maps/yamna-bell-beaker/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/yamna-bell-beaker.jpg]
''Yamna - East Bell Beaker migration 3000-2300 BC. Most likely homeland of the North-West Indo-European proto-language. Adapted from Heyd[Harrison and Heyd 2007] ''

Proto-Romance reconstruction, albeit quite similar to Latin[Hall 1983], is obviously an artifice, not equal to Old Latin, since the development of Romance languages happened in the wide territories where Vulgar Latin was spoken in Antiquity. Romance languages were influenced by local, regional, inter-regional, or international contacts, so that they cannot be traced back to a single ancestral language without help from historical records and internal reconstruction. However, given the close community where the original North-West Indo-European homeland must have formed (most likely in the Upper Danube, between modern Southern Germany and Budapest), we can assume that most reconstructed changes for North-West Indo-European happened during a period of a close western Yamna–Classical Bell Beaker community, before its sudden European expansion.

The reconstruction of North-West Indo-European (like the reconstruction of Late Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Hititte) should therefore not be considered a mere theoretical exercise, but a pragmatic approach to the phonetic reconstruction of a real language, spoken by a close community of people that lived during the mid-3rd millennium in a relatively small region of central Europe. During and after their expansion, close ties were kept between vast regions of the Bell Beaker culture – in contrast to the relationship with neighbouring cultures, like the Corded Ware culture – which further supports its close ethnolinguistic identification.

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/nwie-scheme-1.png]

''Abbreviations of Proto-Indo-European language stages and dialects, with names used in this work and reference to older works, including approximate date guesstimates.''

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/pie_stages.png]

''Stages of Proto-Indo-European evolution. IU: Indo-Uralic; PU: Proto-Uralic; PAn: Pre-Anatolian; PToch: Pre-Tocharian; Fin-Ugr: Finno-Ugric. The period between Balkan IE and Proto-Greek could be divided in two periods: an older one, called Proto-Greek (close to the time when NWIE was spoken), probably including Macedonian, and spoken somewhere in the Balkans; and a more recent one, called Mello-Greek, coinciding with the classically reconstructed Proto-Greek, already spoken in the Greek peninsula[West 2007]. Similarly, the period between Northern Indo-European and North-West Indo-European could be divided, after the split of Pre-Tocharian, into a North-West Indo-European proper, during the expansion of Yamna to the west, and an Old European period, coinciding with the formation and expansion of the East Bell Beaker group.''

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Anthony 2007] Anthony, D. 2007. The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.

* [*Beekes 2011] Beekes, Robert S.P. 2011. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An introduction. 2nd ed. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

* [*Hall 1983] Hall, Robert Anderson. 1983. Proto-Romance Morphology, Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.

* [*Harrison and Heyd 2007] Harrison, Richard, and Volker Heyd. 2007. The Transformation of Europe in the Third Millennium BC: the example of ‘Le Petit-Chasseur I + III’ (Sion, Valais, Switzerland). Praehistorische Zeitschrift 82 (2).

* [*Nicolaisen 1957] Nicolaisen, W. 1957. Die alteuropäischen Gewässernamen der britischen Hauptinsel. Beiträge zur Namenforschung:211-268.

* [*Krahe 1949] Krahe, H. 1949. Alteuropäische Flußnamen. Beiträge zur Namenforschung 1:24–51, 247–266 (and cont. in following volumes).

* [*Krahe 1964] Krahe, H. 1964. Unsere ältesten Flußnamen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

* [*Mallory and Adams 2007] Mallory, J., and D.Q. Adams. 2007. Reconstructing the Proto-Indo-Europeans. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Mallory 2013] Mallory, J.P. 2013. The Indo-Europeanization of Atlantic Europe. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. CUnliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Oettinger 2003] Oettinger, Norbert. 2003. Neuerungen in Lexikon und Wortbildung des Nordwest-Indogermanischen. In Languages in prehistoric Europe, edited by A. Bammesberger, M. Bieswanger, J. Grzega and T. Venneman. Heidelberg: Winter.

* [*Oettinger 1997] Oettinger, Norbert. 1997. Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Nordwest-Indogermanischen. Incontri Linguistici 20 (93-111).

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 2nd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*West 2007] West, M.L. 2007. Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
<HarvardReferences />

North-West Indo-European

2017-10-30T18:58:52Z

Admin: Created page with "A common North-West Indo-European (NWIE) group is being increasingly accepted in the literature[Oettinger 1997][Oettinger 2003][Adrados 1998][Mallory and Adams 2007][Mallory 2..."

A common North-West Indo-European (NWIE) group is being increasingly accepted in the literature[Oettinger 1997][Oettinger 2003][Adrados 1998][Mallory and Adams 2007][Mallory 2013][Beekes 2011]. Genetic research indicates that there was an Indo-European-speaking community in close contact in the East Bell Beaker group, evolved from western Yamna migrants ca. 2500 BC. This group expanded successfully in a short period into wide territories of western, northern, and eastern Europe, territories whose languages later evolved into Celtic, Italic, and Germanic, and probably Balto-Slavic (or its substrate language, ‘Temematic’), thus allowing for certain innovations to spread between these languages[Harrison and Heyd 2007][Mallory 2013][Quiles 2017].

The Bell Beaker territory is to some extent coincident with the one identified of Old European hydronymy[Krahe 1964][Krahe 1949][Nicolaisen 1957], a quasi-uniform name-giving system for water courses that shows Indo-European water-words and suffixes following rules of Late Proto-Indo-European word formation[Adrados 1998].

Fragmentary languages probably belonging to this group are Lusitanian (sometimes linked with Celtic) and Venetic (sometimes linked with Italic). Dubious is the nature of proposed substrate languages, like Belgian, Sorothaptic, Pre-Celtic Irish, or Pictish. Probably unrelated, from a Palaeo-Balkan group, are Messapian and Illyrian.

[https://indo-european.eu/maps/yamna-bell-beaker/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/yamna-bell-beaker.jpg]
''Yamna - East Bell Beaker migration 3000-2300 BC. Most likely homeland of the North-West Indo-European proto-language. Adapted from Heyd[Harrison and Heyd 2007] ''

Proto-Romance reconstruction, albeit quite similar to Latin[Hall 1983], is obviously an artifice, not equal to Old Latin, since the development of Romance languages happened in the wide territories where Vulgar Latin was spoken in Antiquity. Romance languages were influenced by local, regional, inter-regional, or international contacts, so that they cannot be traced back to a single ancestral language without help from historical records and internal reconstruction. However, given the close community where the original North-West Indo-European homeland must have formed (most likely in the Upper Danube, between modern Southern Germany and Budapest), we can assume that most reconstructed changes for North-West Indo-European happened during a period of a close western Yamna–Classical Bell Beaker community, before its sudden European expansion.

The reconstruction of North-West Indo-European (like the reconstruction of Late Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Hititte) should therefore not be considered a mere theoretical exercise, but a pragmatic approach to the phonetic reconstruction of a real language, spoken by a close community of people that lived during the mid-3rd millennium in a relatively small region of central Europe. During and after their expansion, close ties were kept between vast regions of the Bell Beaker culture – in contrast to the relationship with neighbouring cultures, like the Corded Ware culture – which further supports its close ethnolinguistic identification.

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/nwie-scheme-1.png]

''Abbreviations of Proto-Indo-European language stages and dialects, with names used in this work and reference to older works, including approximate date guesstimates.''

[https://indo-european.eu/ https://indo-european.eu/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/pie_stages.png]

''Stages of Proto-Indo-European evolution. IU: Indo-Uralic; PU: Proto-Uralic; PAn: Pre-Anatolian; PToch: Pre-Tocharian; Fin-Ugr: Finno-Ugric. The period between Balkan IE and Proto-Greek could be divided in two periods: an older one, called Proto-Greek (close to the time when NWIE was spoken), probably including Macedonian, and spoken somewhere in the Balkans; and a more recent one, called Mello-Greek, coinciding with the classically reconstructed Proto-Greek, already spoken in the Greek peninsula[West 2007]. Similarly, the period between Northern Indo-European and North-West Indo-European could be divided, after the split of Pre-Tocharian, into a North-West Indo-European proper, during the expansion of Yamna to the west, and an Old European period, coinciding with the formation and expansion of the East Bell Beaker group.''

== References ==

* [*Adrados 1998] Adrados, F.R. 1998. La reconstrucción del indoeuropeo y de su diferenciación dialectal. In Manual de lingüística indoeuropea, edited by F. R. Adrados, A. Bernabé and J. Mendoza. Madrid: Ediciones clásicas.

* [*Anthony 2007] Anthony, D. 2007. The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders from the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.

* [*Beekes 2011] Beekes, Robert S.P. 2011. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An introduction. 2nd ed. Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

* [*Harrison and Heyd 2007] Harrison, Richard, and Volker Heyd. 2007. The Transformation of Europe in the Third Millennium BC: the example of ‘Le Petit-Chasseur I + III’ (Sion, Valais, Switzerland). Praehistorische Zeitschrift 82 (2).

* [*Nicolaisen 1957] Nicolaisen, W. 1957. Die alteuropäischen Gewässernamen der britischen Hauptinsel. Beiträge zur Namenforschung:211-268.

* [*Krahe 1949] Krahe, H. 1949. Alteuropäische Flußnamen. Beiträge zur Namenforschung 1:24–51, 247–266 (and cont. in following volumes).

* [*Krahe 1964] Krahe, H. 1964. Unsere ältesten Flußnamen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

* [*Mallory and Adams 2007] Mallory, J., and D.Q. Adams. 2007. Reconstructing the Proto-Indo-Europeans. In The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

* [*Mallory 2013] Mallory, J.P. 2013. The Indo-Europeanization of Atlantic Europe. In Celtic From the West 2: Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe, edited by J. T. Koch and B. CUnliffe. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

* [*Oettinger 2003] Oettinger, Norbert. 2003. Neuerungen in Lexikon und Wortbildung des Nordwest-Indogermanischen. In Languages in prehistoric Europe, edited by A. Bammesberger, M. Bieswanger, J. Grzega and T. Venneman. Heidelberg: Winter.

* [*Oettinger 1997] Oettinger, Norbert. 1997. Grundsätzliche Überlegungen zum Nordwest-Indogermanischen. Incontri Linguistici 20 (93-111).

* [*Quiles 2017] Quiles, Carlos. 2017. Indo-European demic diffusion model. 2nd ed. Badajoz: Universidad de Extremadura. https://indo-european.info/

* [*West 2007] West, M.L. 2007. Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
<HarvardReferences />

Template:Index

2017-10-30T18:38:08Z

Admin:

{| class="editlink noprint plainlinks {{talk other|tmbox tmbox-notice|ombox ombox-notice}} mbox-small" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" style="float: right; clear: right; border: 0px solid maroon; border-collapse: collapse; margin: 0em 0em 1em 1em; background: whitesmoke; font-size: 90%; width: 15em;"
! style="background: whitesmoke; padding: 5px; border-bottom: 1px solid black; " |
{| cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: transparent; "
| <big>'''[[Old European]]'''</big>
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[North-West Indo-European]]'''
|-
| [[Schleicher's Fable]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[Laryngeal loss and vocalism]]'''
|-
| [[Laryngeals]]
|-
| [[Laryngeal evolution]]
|-
| [[Laryngeal reflexes in North-West Indo-European]]
|-
| [[A stable paradigm]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[The three-dorsal theory]]'''
|-
| [[Two series of velars]]
|-
| [[Three series of velars]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]'''
|-
|}
|-
! style="text-align:center; background: #fff;" | [[Template:Index|Index]]
|}

Template:Index

2017-10-30T18:37:54Z

Admin: Created page with "{| class="editlink noprint plainlinks {{talk other|tmbox tmbox-notice|ombox ombox-notice}} mbox-small" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" style="float: right; clear: right; borde..."

{| class="editlink noprint plainlinks {{talk other|tmbox tmbox-notice|ombox ombox-notice}} mbox-small" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" style="float: right; clear: right; border: 0px solid maroon; border-collapse: collapse; margin: 0em 0em 1em 1em; background: whitesmoke; font-size: 90%; width: 15em;"
! style="background: whitesmoke; padding: 5px; border-bottom: 1px solid black; " |
{| cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: transparent; "
| <big>'''[[Old European]]'''</big>
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | [[North-West Indo-European]]
|-
| [[Schleicher's Fable]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[Laryngeal loss and vocalism]]'''
|-
| [[Laryngeals]]
|-
| [[Laryngeal evolution]]
|-
| [[Laryngeal reflexes in North-West Indo-European]]
|-
| [[A stable paradigm]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[The three-dorsal theory]]'''
|-
| [[Two series of velars]]
|-
| [[Three series of velars]]
|-
|}
|-
|
{| class="mw-collapsible mw-collapsed wikitable" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" width="100%" style="background: #FAFBF1;"
|- style="background: silver; "
! colspan="1" style="text-align:center; background: whitesmoke;" | '''[[Corded Ware substrate hypothesis]]'''
|-
|}
|-
! style="text-align:center; background: #fff;" | [[Template:Index|Index]]
|}

Old European

2017-10-29T12:56:35Z

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MediaWiki:Mainpage

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Old European

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Main Page

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#REDIRECT [[Old European]]